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Thursday, July 18, 2013

Noah Smith — How normal people see macroeconomics

Most of the time, econ bloggers and columnists write as if we were speaking to an audience that has taken a few econ classes. But the more widely read our posts and columns become, the more our real audiences fail to fit this ideal. Most people who read us are smart and educated. But smart and educated non-economists ("normal people", if you will) see econ - and especially macro - in fundamentally different ways from economists.

I've been thinking about these differences for a while, and I've reached two major conclusions:

1. Normal people see macro as inherently political.

2. Normal people see macro as being mostly about redistribution rather than about efficiency....
The result is that public discussions of macro, on the blogs and elsewhere, usually break down into tribal camps, and thinkers are often seen more as tribal champions than as technocratic advisors or sources of intellectually interesting ideas. Many people see the "-isms" of macro - "New Keyneisanism", "New Classicalism", etc. - as political advocacy rather than as dispassionate scientific attempts to explain the world around us....
What do you think?
Noahpinion
How normal people see macroeconomics
Noah Smith

As a non-economist, what I see is economists advocating macro positions that advance their own political agenda. The fact is that macroeconomics is used to justify policy alternatives and economists of different political persuasions disagree and that disagreement is almost perfectly predictable based on past performance.

I am not alone in this and this is likely the major reason that non-economists see macro as essentially political.

Secondly, I have a terminal degree in philosophy, and a lot of what philosopher do is examine arguments and the context in which they are embedded. What a person accustomed to logical analysis looks to is assumptions, key terms, method, and conclusions. Based on this, it is immediately apparent that the conclusions of economists are based on the choice of assumptions, key terms, and method, which are chosen to justify the preferred conclusions.

It is also immediately obvious that the subject matter is so complex that no model can forecast the future with any degree of high probability, let alone virtual certainty. Yet, many economists offer their conclusions as if certainly true, deduced from highly complicated mathematical models that only experts can penetrate. This looks a lot like medieval scholastic debates over theology that were only conducted in Latin in order to exclude the common person. When they are caught out, like Rogoff and Reinhart, they come up with lame excuses that are easily fielded by opponents.

When many economists do address "normal people," it is often with what looks like a lot of hand waving, dismissing opponent's arguments as obtuse and not worth responding to. But this turns out to be based on their own assumptions, definitions, and methods, which are often the subject of attack. This is just circular reasoning or evasion. Typical is that the opponent lacks a model, which on inspection means that the opponent is using a different method and the opponent is attacking the apologist's method as inappropriate.

When virtually all the major conventional economists missed the global financial crisis and major institutions were assuring the public that everything was fine until the meltdown, then normal people, including the Queen of England, began asking how this could be. After all these were the experts advising "the masters of the universe." This was the high priesthood of the religion of progress based on efficiency.

The answer came back that the models are not constructed in a way that could foresee this. As result, a lot of people began getting interested in finding out how major macroeconomists could have been so wrong, especially when they were the people giving policy advise to political decision-makers.

Then, post-crisis, normal people saw the policy choices that were adopted leading to increasing inequality, saving large corporations from failure with enormous bailouts and extension of "forbearance," when normal people had been told that the basic rule of capitalism was risk and market accountability  They also saw that the privileged class was not being held to the same standard as normal people, so that the privileged class was doing exceptionally well through the crisis while normal people were bearing the brunt of it through liquidation, unemployment, and a decline in real wage.

Economists generally represent what they are doing as positive science and economics as non-normative and amoral. This is supposed to result in a value-free approach. But what became egregiously apparent to normal people was that economists did not consider power relationships, looked at rent-seeking as productive, and had no idea of the Ponzi finance that had progressed to the to the point of control fraud and criminogenic environments. In addition they did not consider social costs and externalities to be economic costs at all. In other words, they were either clueless, or else fronting for a privileged class bent on maximizing its own utility at the expense of other classes — you know, the normal people.

Apparently macroeconomists missed this?

16 comments:

  1. It's interesting that there can be an economic "science" in which practitioners in good standing don't consider land, money or time to be important. It's like as if one comes into a town and seeks out a one-eyed, color blind man to point out the outstanding features instead of "normal people."

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  2. One of the main effects … of orthodox traditional economics was … a plan for explaining to the privileged class that their position was morally right and was right for the welfare of society.

    - Joan Robinson.

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  3. Ramanan's got it. Much mainstream macro is not useful for analyzing the economy. It's just a collection of ad hoc, mathematized defense mechanisms and rationalizations used to describe and justify the status quo. When mainstreamers are asked to step outside their comfort zones and consider significant structural changes, they are totally lost. That's why they are always obsessed with debates about "stabilization" - alternative tactics for restoring the status quo to its previous operating condition with minimal structural changes. People like Krugman and DeLong are deeply conservative in this way.

    Also macroeconomists seem committed to something I would call, "the causal autonomy of macroeconomics." They look at a handful of macroeconomic variables whose evolution over time they allege can be described and predicted by the behavior of other macro variables. Policy recommendations are all cast then in terms of the attempted modification of the causally independent variables so as to induce changes in the causally dependent variables. They tend to assume that the behavior of macro observables never depends on the details of a few key micro decisions.

    This allows them to address policy question from an austere and neutral standpoint that steers clear of socially and politically controversial topics. All you are supposed to care about is how much aggregate "income" or "employment" you have, without asking who gets the income, and who is employed, and in what ways. And the "laws" supposedly linking these aggregate variables are in themselves very iffy.

    It's all beautifully mathematical and abstract, but extremely crude. You can't separate "economic" policy questions from the grubby and inherently controversial questions about exactly what kind of society we want to have.

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  4. You can't separate "economic" policy questions from the grubby and inherently controversial questions about exactly what kind of society we want to have.

    And that is ruled out, or demonized it as Marxist.

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  5. Simon Wren-Lewis presents quintessential example of imposing an ideologically based macro POV on the EZ. Since peripheral govts did not have independent control of interest rates, they should have run fiscal surpluses to prevent the run up of debt that is now burdening these economies.

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  6. It hasn't always been demonized, Tom. In the postwar period, even while the West was fighting hot and cold wars against the avowed Marxists, western publics were much more willing than now to embrace an activist state with large levels of government consumption and gross investment in infrastructure, human capital and strategic planning.

    The postwar generation had the experience of the Second World War to instruct them. The US was a virtual planned economy during the war, and yet that war had had been an unquestioned organizational triumph that made the previously struggling US rich. The people who lived through that experience were therefore much more willing to accept highway programs, education and housing programs, a space program, high government investment in technological capital, etc.

    But two bad an unnecessary wars in the 60's and 90's have soured much of the public on a belief in the potential competence of government, have helped unravel the social fabric, and have destroyed the patriotic spirit of the country, as people have replaced the meaning they once derived from participation in cooperative social goals with the pursuit of narcissistic and radically individualized forms of happiness via consumption, wealth accumulation, personalized spiritual quests, etc.

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  7. Right, Dan, and John Kenneth Galbraith was intimately involved in it and has written a great deal about it, e.g., Economics and The Public Purpose.

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  8. You can't separate "economic" policy questions from the grubby and inherently controversial questions about exactly what kind of society we want to have. Dan Kervick

    Good luck with deciding that when most cannot even agree with "Thou shall not steal" - so long as they benefit or decide who gets robbed.

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  9. I say use of "macroeconomists" and "normal people" are hasty generalisations and thus Noah falls for the fallacy of composition.

    It implies that normal people can't be armchair macroeconomists (myself) and non-economists AND macroeconomists can't be normal people.

    I think the comments on the OP prove this fallacy.

    That said, that does not mean a useful distinction cannot be drawn from this fragile contrast.

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  12. Making sure I get this ... let's say that economics is the study of resource allocation and that politics is the exercise of power in society.

    If politics does not apply to economics, then is "allocation" the proper term? Now, if we assume that the "invisible hand" is that which allocates and that hand is politically neutral - then market economics is by definition politically neutral.

    Appreciate Noah outlining the philosophical foundations of neo-liberalism.

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  13. FWIW, I like to say that economics is--or should be, at least--the study of social provisioning of material goods and services within the context of ecological limits.

    No way to avoid "politics" if you think of it that way, though no way to avoid normative nature of scientific inquiry at any rate, as Tom explained beautifully.

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  14. Thanks, Scott.

    Noah should also take a look at theoretical physicist Mark Buchanan's Is Economics a Science of Religion at Bloomberg, linked to here yesterday.

    Maybe Noah is not well-read in analytic philosophy and philosophy of science, but he has an undergrad degree in physics, so he should be able to understand where "normal guy" Buchanan is coming from.

    The other thing that market-based economics miss in claiming that they are positive is failure to take into account the type of system they are dealing with, which is non-ergodic (Paul Davidson, for example) and a complex adaptive system exhibiting emergence (Ole Peters, Santa Fe Institute) and reflexivity (George Soros).

    In addition, market economists admit market power to some degree but don't really have a way to deal with it other than as an "imperfection" although there are no perfect markets, and information and power are asymmetrical in the actual world. How is that imperfection rather than just reality if perfection and symmetry are only ideal and not real?

    Finally, market-based economics ignores the institutionalists critique that includes social and political power in addition to market power as economists usually consider it. The fact is that this means class structure and class power and privilege and economists pretend that this doesn't exist, apparently fearing that they will be tarred as Marxists and ostracized from a profession supported by class power.

    Furthermore, no economists other than MMT and other heterodox economists refer to Bill Black's forensic analysis of the causal factors involved in the crisis. Black shows how these were primary causes rather than attendant circumstances. He also shows how these conditions could not have developed without regulatory capture and moral hazard, not to mention Chairman (and chief regulator) Greenspan's assumptions about markets as self-regulating, which he was later forced by events to admit was mistaken.

    Black and others have documented these circumstances in great detail. However, most economist seem to be ignorant of the analysis and look instead to low interest rates or some such that may have been attendant factors but were hardly primary causes when placed against control fraud and the criminogenic environment in finance that continues and is being ratified by government due to political power of large financial corporations as a result of legalized bribery.

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  15. @Ramanan

    Good point. But I submit one need not go far into economics to understand that.

    You may remember, a few months ago, Greg Mankiw writing a piece entitled something like "You can raise taxes, but I'll have to work less".

    We don't need but to read what was written in black and white: Mankiw is speaking in first person, about his taxes; on top, the man seems to believe the world would be a much worse place without his invaluable "work".

    The whole of mainstream economics in one headline.

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  16. Smith's paradigm would seem to imply that MMTers and the Queen of England together be classified as normal people.

    Perhaps a little more granularity in the model would be appropriate.

    :)

    Although he seems to have positioned himself quite squarely on the abnormal, money multiplied side of the equation, where his own words certainly apply:

    "our feeble attempts to show off our scattered, tiny, incomplete insights into Extant Reality"

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