Showing posts with label complex systems. Show all posts
Showing posts with label complex systems. Show all posts

Friday, August 21, 2015

Yves Smith — “How Complex Systems Fail”

Lambert found a short article by Richard Cook that I’ve embedded at the end of the post. I strongly urge you to read it in full. It discusses how complex systems are prone to catastrophic failure, how that possibility is held at bay through a combination of redundancies and ongoing vigilance, but how, due to the impractical cost of keeping all possible points of failure fully (and even identifying them all) protected, complex systems “always run in degraded mode”.
Naked Capitalism
“How Complex Systems Fail”
Yves Smith

Saturday, February 7, 2015

Peter Cooper — The Macro-Institutional Delimitation of Economic Complexity


What Peter is calling attention to in this post is addressed in sociology in terms of the interaction of the micro, mess and macro levels. Each is influenced by the others and in turn influences the others.

What is the difference between the macro, meso, and micro levels. Complex social systems are comprised of individuals or agents that are the elements of the system, the relationships such as affiliations and institutions that group individuals, and the system itself. A complex social system is a web or network of element that are configured in nodes with the overall context of the structure and function of the system in which they are embedded.

Failure to any of the relevant aspects of a system into account in an explanation will limit the explanation. Obviously, everything cannot be considered in an explanation, whose purpose is simplification for modeling. However, failure to include relevant aspects of the system or failure to model them correctly relative to the system will vitiate the explanation.

Economics has not yet come to grips with this approach, at least for the most part. This is actually stated as part of the methodological assumptions for methodological convenience. Sociologist, on the other hand, admit that modeling general cases in complex social systems is usually not possible to achieve, and so they are more modest in their approach to analysis and explanation.

heteconomist
The Macro-Institutional Delimitation of Economic Complexity
Peter Cooper

Sunday, June 1, 2014

Econolosophy — New Research is Looking Very Polanyi-Like

I attended the annual INET conference in Toronto a few weeks ago. Many interesting ideas were discussed, and it was great to hear what is at the cutting edge of econ these days. In particular, two ideas were stressed that really cut into the core of neoclassical thought, and I want to take the time to describe them and what they imply for our understanding of the modern (political) economy.
The first is George Soros’s idea about reflexivity in financial markets. This idea is not new, as Soros has been talking about reflexivity for the better part of at least two decades. But what is new is that the philosophical foundations of reflexivity were recently spelled out in detail in a special edition of the Journal of Economic Methodology.

The punch line is to say that there is seemingly an inherent feedback loop between the actions that fallible individuals make based on their assessments of fundamental value and the fundamental value itself. These feedback loops, moreover, can often lead to boom-and-bust cycles...
The other big idea that was discussed at the INET conference relates to what the complexity economists have been doing lately. The seminal paper in this movement is by Brian Arthur, who highlights the key findings that complexity economists have discovered in recent decades. In short, complexity has gone hand in hand with the advances we have seen in computer science over the past few decades, particularly with respect to machine learning....
Taken together, these two ideas – Soros’s elaborations on reflexivity and the findings by the complexity folks on interactive systemic instability – suggest that markets may be inherently volatile, in a vicious and destabilizing sort of way. If true, this has vast implications for the political economy. It would essentially mean that Karl Polanyi’s central hypothesis has merit: that the dream of the market as a self-regulating and stable system is just that, a utopian dream, which, if followed, will inevitably lead to war, conflict and strife....
Labor, on the other hand, has a notoriously difficult time dealing with market-induced adjustments. Economic shocks may force workers to either abruptly accept much lower wages than what they feel they are worth – which could inflict severe psychological harm – or the shocks may force workers to move to a new place where economic prospects are better, perhaps one where the local culture is very different from what the exposed workers are used to. All of this means that workers may get very angry when they are forced to adjust their prices or living styles to the market. And when workers get angry, they vote for change, primarily against the very liberalization that has inflicted suffering upon them. The populist resentment may even turn racial or nationalistic: when workers don’t have anyone to blame, they typically blame those who simply look and speak differently than they do....
The adjustments that the European Monetary Union has inflicted on people are so vast that the citizens of Europe are unwilling to go through with them; and indeed they are pushing strongly against them, voting for populist, anti-euro parties all across the continent.[2] And do you blame the citizenry for revolting? Workers are being forced to either accept rampant wage cuts (in Greece and Spain) or leave their families and friends to move to entirely different cultures where they are not accepted.
What’s going on is that we may fundamentally have the wrong model of markets in economics....
This suggests that the path forward may be to either take a step back and fundamentally rethink our liberalization projects and what we hope to accomplish with them, or make certain that, prior to embracing the market solution, we have the appropriate safety nets in place to shield people from the extreme adjustments that the market will inevitably force upon them.
In other words, the market often moves too fast, and we should slow it down lest it destroys our cultures and our people, as Polanyi stressed ...
New Research is Looking Very Polanyi-Like 
Econolosophy

Thursday, July 4, 2013

Alan Kirman & Dirk Helbing — Why mainstream economic models are unreliable

Economics has long had the ambition to become an “exact science”. Indeed, Walras, usually recognised as the father of modern economic theory, said in his Lettre no. 1454 to Hermann Laurent in Jaffe (1965):
“All these results are marvels of the simple application of the language of mathematics to the quantitative notion of need or utility. Refine this application as much as you will but you can be sure that the economic laws that result from it are just as rational, just as precise and just as incontrovertible as were the laws of astronomy at the end of the 17th century.”Furthermore his successors openly declared themselves as having the same goal...
This model of “perfect competition” is considered a useful idealization, and features such as the aggregate effects of the direct interaction between individuals are thought of as inconvenient “imperfections”. However, deviations between economic theory and reality may be of crucial importance in practice, and the consideration of the links between individuals and institutions cannot be written off as being of little relevance to the behaviour of the system as a whole. This is a lesson that is clear to all those, who are familiar with the analysis of complex systems.
In a comment on a previous post, Unlearning Economics observed that creating idealized models that are perfect and considering deviations from perfection to be "imperfections," misrepresents the reality of markets, which are not perfect and for a variety of reasons cannot be perfect. So it is incorrect to call these supposed phenomena "imperfections."

This is an important point not only with respect to models as representational but also rhetorical. When a phenomenon is labeled an "imperfection" rather than simply a phenomenon that is a regular feature of such conditions, the implication is that the situation can be improved by removing or reducing the "imperfection." However, this may not be the case, or the whole enterprise may be futile due to its construction.

As Paul Meli has observed, arguing about "imperfections" on the basis of an idealized perfect market is similar to considering friction an "imperfection" in physics and attempting to eliminate it, which is the goal of those who have sought to create a perpetual motion machine. This, of course, is ruled out by the laws of thermodynamics.

So modeling economics on physics must also take the laws of thermodynamics into account, so to speak, which implies that perfect models are necessarily non-representational.

It may be argued that an objective in engineering is to reduce friction in order to improve efficiency and this holds in economics, too, where friction is often called "drag." However, to suggest that this phenomenon can be eliminated  in the actual world is wishful thinking, since idealized models can only be rough approximations of the behavior of a limited number of variables rather than the basis for laws that apply generally.

Moreover, attempting to model what is complex, adaptive, and emergent, that is, determined by system relationships that are flexible rather than fixed, makes social science quite different from physical science, where simple models (however complicated) can be employed in that physical motion is regular across time. While ergodic modeling is appropriate in the natural sciences, it is not in the life and social sciences, where organisms are not simple stimulus-response mechanisms following general laws, as behaviorists had assumed. Reductionism did not work in psychology; it has not worked in social science, and it will not work in economics, and we know precisely why.

Why then do economists persist in their folly? The reason appears to be ideological, especially when buttressed by special interests promoting a status quo that favors these interests. For example, according to neoclassical economics and its offspring, the primary source of market "imperfection" is government "intrusion." Granting that government policy can create drag, it does not follow that reducing government also reduces drag automatically, as often assumed. 

The answer might be, and often is according to heterodox economists, that changing policy to reduce drag or improve performance might involve more government in some cases and less in others, depending on context such as the business cycle and the financial cycle. It is becoming clear from evidence that "expansionary fiscal austerity is not working as projected, just as heterodox economists warned would be the case when applied at the trough of a cycle, where more government is needed rather than less to offset the drag of flagging demand during a period of deleveraging at the culmination of a financial cycle.

Of course, conventional economists also realize the importance of government policy even though they may not admit it. For instance, they call for government to increase activity when and where it benefits ideological interests, such as military and security in protection of private property, to access resources, and to extend market reach through intimidation of weaker parties.  The type of policy recommended or pursued is based on ideological bias, based either on purely ideological considerations or special interests that are promoted by the ideology. 

For example, for the right government support of labor by legislating collective bargaining is an "intrusion," while supporting military Keynesianism is a requirement of national security, even when the military does't want the weaponry being appropriated. The left would take up the opposite position.

These are normative, ideological issues that should be argued as such rather than using the rhetorical sophistry of complicated mathematical (econometric) models to bias the debate on the basis of pseudo-scientific claims that do not pass the smell test.

Lars P. Syll
Why mainstream economic models are unreliable
quoting Alan Kirman & Dirk Helbing