Wednesday, April 22, 2015

James Petras — The Myth of ‘Value-Free’ Social Science Or The Value of Political Commitments to Social Science

Introduction: For many decades, mainstream social scientists, mostly conservative, have argued that political commitments and scientific research are incompatible. Against this current of opinion, others, mostly politically engaged social scientists, have argued that scientific research and political commitment are not contradictory.

In this essay I will argue in favor of the latter position by demonstrating that scientific work is embedded in a socio-political universe, which its practioners can deny but cannot avoid. I will further suggest that the social scientist who is not aware of the social determinants of their work, are likely to fall prey to the least rigorous procedures in their work – the unquestioning of their assumptions, which direct the objectives and consequences of their research.
We will proceed by addressing the relationship between social scientific work and political commitment and examining the political-institutional universe in which social scientific research occurs. We will recall the historical experience of social science research centers and, in particular, the relationship between social science and its financial sponsors as well as the beneficiaries of its work.
We will further pursue the positive advantages, which political commitments provide, especially in questioning previously ignored subject matter and established assumptions.
We will start by raising several basic questions about scientific work in a class society: in particular, how the rules of logical analysis and historical and empirical method are applied to the research objectives established by the ruling elites.….
A major purpose of scientific method is reduction of subjectivity in the interest of greater objectivity. However, since meaning is context-dependent, it is not possible logically to achieve complete objectivity by isolating the positive from the normative. It is also empirically suspect in that cognitive science has shown that the rational and non-rational are deeply entangled in brain functioning. Since it is not possible to stand outside of point of view, it is also impossible to be sure that one has identified all hidden assumptions. The proper course of rational enquiry is to identify and acknowledge the most significant assumptions that are involved in a model, whether it be conceptual or mathematical.

In economics, for instance, there are varying approaches based on different methodological assumptions. The proper course is to articulate the assumptions as completely as possible instead of assuming ideologically that a particular approach is superior in every way, superseding other approaches.

Nor is the assumption that there is one "correct" model that alone is "value-free" merely coincidental.
After World War II, wealthy business elites and capitalist governments in the United States and Western Europe established and funded numerous research foundations carefully selecting the functionaries to lead them. They chose intellectuals who shared their perspectives and could be counted on to promote studies and academics compatible with their imperial and class interests. As a result of the interlocking of business and state interests, these foundations and academic research centers published books , articles and journals and held conferences and seminars, which justified US overseas military and economic expansion while ignoring the destructive consequences of these policies on targeted countries and people. Thousands of publications, funded by millions of dollars in research grants, argued that ‘the West was a bastion of pluralistic democracy’, while failing to acknowledge, let alone document, the growth of a world-wide hierarchical imperialist order.
An army of scholars and researchers invented euphemistic language to disguise imperialism. For example, leading social scientists spoke and wrote of ‘world leadership’, a concept implying consensual acceptance based on persuasion, instead of describing the reality of ‘imperial dominance’, which more accurately defines the universal use of force, violence and exploitation of national wealth. The term, ‘free markets’, served to mask the historical tendency toward the concentration and monopolization of financial power. The ‘free world” obfuscated the aggressive and oppressive authoritarian regimes allied with Euro-US powers. Numerous other euphemistic concepts, designed to justify imperial expansion, were elevated to scientific status and considered ‘value free’.….
The result was "weaponization" of knowledge.
The transformation of social science into an ideological weapon of the ruling class reflected the institutional basis and political commitments of the researchers. The ‘benign behavior’ of post-World War 2 US empire-building, became the operating assumption guiding scientific research. Moreover, leading academics became gatekeepers and watchdogs enforcing the new political orthodoxy by claiming that critical research, which spoke for non-elite constituencies, was non-scientific, ideological and politicized. However, academics, who consulted with the Pentagon or were involved in revolving-door relationships with multi-national corporations, were exempted from any similar scholarly opprobrium: they were simply viewed as ‘consultants’ whose ‘normal’ extracurricular activities were divorced from their scientific academic work.
In contrast, scholars whose research was directed at documenting the structure of power and to guiding political action by social movements were condemned as ‘biased’, ‘political’ and unsuitable for any academic career.….
In other words, academic authorities replicated the social repression of the ruling class in society, within the walls of academia. Their principle ideological weapon was to counterpose ‘objectivity’ to ‘values’. More specifically, they would argue that ‘true social science’ is ‘value free’ even as their published research was largely directed at furthering the power, profits and privileges of the incumbent power holders.….
You can see where this is going. Neoliberalism.
Twenty-five years ago, the concept ‘reform’ referred to progressive changes: less inequality, greater social welfare, increased popular participation and more limitations on capitalist exploitation of labor. Since then, contemporary social scientists (especially economists) use the term, ‘reform’, to describe regressive changes, such as deregulation of capital, especially the privatization of public enterprises, health and educational institutions. In other words, mainstream academics transformed the concept of ‘reform’ into a private profitmaking business. ‘Reform’ has come to mean the reversal of all the working-class advances won over the previous century of popular struggle. ‘Reform’ is promoted by neo-liberal ideologues, preaching the virtues of unregulated capitalism. Their claim that ‘efficiency’ requires lowering ‘costs’, in fact means the elimination of any regulation over consumer quality, work safety and labor rights.
Their notion of ‘efficiency’ fails to recognize that economies, which minimizeworkplace safety, or lower the quality of consumer goods (especially food) and depress wages, are inefficient from the point of view of maximizing the general welfare of the country. ‘Efficiency’ is confined by orthodox economists to the narrow class needs and profit interests of a thin layer of the population. They ignore the historical fact that the original assumption of classical economics was to provide the greatest benefit to the greatest number.…
Once their political commitments define the research ‘problem’ to be studied and establish the conceptual framework, they apply ‘empirical’, historical and mathematical methods to collect and organize the data. They then apply logical procedures to ‘reach their conclusions’. On this flawed basis they present their work as ‘value-free’ social science. The only ‘accepted criticism’ is confined to those who operate within the conceptual parameters and assumptions of the mainstream academics.
"Efficiency" is the neoliberal weapon of choice, as if efficiency were synonymous with effectiveness. It is not.

The antidote? Organized opposition.

Lots more in the post.

The Official James Petras Website
The Myth of ‘Value-Free’ Social Science Or The Value of Political Commitments to Social Science
James Petras | Professor (Emeritus) of Sociology at Binghamton University in Binghamton, New York and adjunct professor at Saint Mary's University, Halifax, Nova Scotia

3 comments:

Schofield said...

To paraphrase Geoffrey Ingham from his book "The Nature of Money" (page 60) the West has been been benighted (in the dark) for a very long time in perceiving that control over the "creation" of money by governments and private banks precedes the domination that "possession" of money enables.

Tom Hickey said...

Right. Most people think of money in terms of the cash in their pockets, that is, a thing, whereas money is a type of instrumentality underlying modern economic activity.

Very few understand the dynamics of this type of instrumentality, which is based on debit-credit and extends much further than most would think of as money.

Those who have understood it have tended to keep the knowledge proprietary in order to profit from it.

Schofield said...

That "instrumentality" remains as it was pre-money, "the capturing of claims or favors." The essential morality underlying "the capturing" is the recognition that Nature promotes "balancing" through the nurturing of self and others as, for example, the micro-organisms cooperate within our bodies to produce a "super-organism." As human beings we struggle to recognize Nature's "morality."