Showing posts with label heterodox economics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label heterodox economics. Show all posts

Friday, January 31, 2020

Three Economic Ideas Threatening to Defenders of the Status Quo — Peter Cooper

1. Profit as surplus labor or as a property-based claim
One idea threatening to the defenders of the status quo is the recognition that profit income reflects capitalist property relations rather than productive contribution.…
 2. Capitalist economies are demand constrained 
 The Keynesian or Kaleckian principle of effective demand may not seem quite such a hindrance to defenders of the status quo as knowledge of the nature of profit, but the motivation for its denial – at least in the long run – is easy enough to perceive.…
3. Money matters, including in the long run
Also threatening to defenders of the status quo is any analysis that subjects the monetary system to scrutiny, whether it be the endogeneity of money or the implications, applicable to modern monetary systems, of currency sovereignty. (Money as Taboo for Economists illustrates this sociological dynamic in operation.)...
heteconomist
Three Economic Ideas Threatening to Defenders of the Status Quo
Peter Cooper

Wednesday, October 23, 2019

Frederic S. Lee — Challenging the dominance and anti-intellectual behavior of mainstream economics

[H]eterodox economists need to be more active in challenging the dominance and anti-intellectual behavior of mainstream economics and economists. Not being respectable, standing up and just saying NO, pursuing heterodox research, and working with and through groups that are not part of the social-political-economic elite to promote better social-economics policies that benefit the non-elite are just some of the things heterodox economists can do. Of course, such behavior is frown upon, discouraged by the critics of heterodox economics — they would rather you be docile, embrace conformity, and behave as mainstream economist do. All I can do is to urge you to not crave respectability, but to develop a content-based heterodox economic theory and associated economic policy that contributes to building a better world out of the shell of the old.
(Fred Lee’s last editorial of the Heterodox Economics Newsletter, Issue 92, December 16, 2009).
Frederic S. Lee

Wednesday, April 3, 2019

Michael Roberts — Pluralism in economics: mainstream, heterodox and Marxist

So it was great that I had been invited to present the case for the contribution of Marxist economics, along with Carolina Alves, the Joan Robinson fellow at Girton College, Cambridge. In my presentation (see my PP here The contribution of Marxian economics), I outlined the differences in theory and policy, both micro and macro between mainstream neoclassical economics, the heterodox alternatives (Keynesian, post-Keynesian, institutional and Austrian) and the Marxist.
I see this as three ‘schools’ of thought – something that some participants from the heterodox wing found strange. Why was Marxian economics not subsumed within the heterodox? For me, the answer was simple. There was one thing that unites the mainstream and the heterodox (in every form) and one thing in which Marxian economics stood out: namely the labour theory of value and surplus value. The neoclassical and all the heterodox from Keynes to Kalecki, Robinson, Minsky, Keen and the MMTers deny the validity and relevance of Marx’s key contribution to understanding the capitalist system: that is it is a system of production for profit; and profits emerge from the exploitation of labour power – where value and surplus value arises. Value does not come from marginal utility (individual satisfaction) or marginal productivity (return on factor input) but from exploitation, realised in the sale of commodities for a profit. 
Capitalism is a monetary economy where production is for profit, not need. This glaringly obvious reality is denied by the mainstream (where there is no profit “at the margin”) and also by the heterodox who either accept marginalism or reckon profit comes from ‘monopoly’ or ‘power’ or from ‘financialisation’ – but not from the exploitation of labour power.
For me, Marx’s explanation is not only correct in reality, it is also necessary in order to clarify the very process of accumulation and endemic crisis within capitalism – all other schools of economics fall short on this.
Michael Roberts

Monday, December 10, 2018

Yannick Slade-Caffarel — The nature of heterodox economics revisited

While the mainstream is defined by an insistence on method, the heterodoxy is defined by a concern with reality. What is so powerful about the conception, and what seems to have been almost entirely ignored, is what comes next.
The implication of Lawson’s conception is that heterodox economics encompasses all those researchers that desire to study economic phenomena in accordance with our best understanding of how social phenomena exist. What method they decide to use is not a factor in determining whether or not a researcher is heterodox. However, Lawson’s assessment also identifies what specific methodological issues might be impeding heterodox economists from achieving that goal. For Lawson is arguing that in most instances, mathematical modelling of the sort used in economics is inappropriate for studying social phenomena. And he is imploring those heterodox economists who use such methods to pay attention to that probable mismatch.
Lawson’s conception of heterodox economics includes, in the simplest terms, all those economists who are trying to be realistic. This seems relatively uncontentious. However, the conception also shows that methods of mathematical modelling that seem to be used increasingly by heterodox economists are not going to get them any closer to that goal. Indeed, this assessment, while providing a useful definition, also serves, perhaps most importantly, to identify why heterodox economics is not in good shape.
Progress in Political Economy
The nature of heterodox economics revisited 
Yannick Slade-Caffarel | PhD Candidate at the King's Business School, King's College London, a visiting doctoral student at Sciences Po Paris, and an active member of the Cambridge Social Ontology Group

Saturday, April 14, 2018

Roger Farmer — Standing on the Shoulders of Giants

The divergence of neoclassical economics from classical ideas does not have to do with mathematical formalism. It occurs when Walras and Pareto introduced us to homoeconomicus, a human being who springs fully formed into the world at the age of 18 with a complete understanding of his preferences over every conceivable outcome in his extensive choice set. That step enabled us to understand why markets are better ways of organizing economic activity than any other known form of social organization.…
Homoeconomicus [sic] brought understanding that was central to the neoclassical project. But his introduction to economics came at the cost of splitting economics off from sociology which retained the idea that our preferences are formed through social interaction. There is room for both ideas in the social sciences and economists and sociologists have much to learn from each other. But to engage in genuine dialogue we must first learn each other’s language.…
True to a point. But the fundamental assumptions of neoclassical economics that enable a formalistic approach to be tractable mathematically — methodological individualism, microfoundations, rational choice, preference maximization, money neutrality, and general equilibrium — are such gross oversimplifications as to make the models worthless beyond a very limited scope and at a restricted scale.

Moreover, abstraction of homo economicus from homo socialis implies that the economic system is being studied only from the perspective of the elements, ignoring the networked relations of the element.

"Economics" at the academic level now means neoclassical economics. While the neoclassical approach is useful, its usefulness is vitiated when it is dogmatized into the orthodox approach or put forward as the scientific consensus, ruling out other approaches by declaring that the methodological debate is now over. Relegating all approaches other than the neoclassical approach to the category of "heterodox" reveals foundational dogmatism, which is anti-scientific.

Roger Farmer's Economic Window
Standing on the Shoulders of Giants
Roger Farmer | Distinguished Professor of Economics at UCLA

Wednesday, December 13, 2017

Jason Smith — On these 33 theses

The other day, Rethinking Economics and the New Weather Institute published "33 theses" and metaphorically nailed them to the doors of the London School of Economics. They're re-published here. I think the "Protestant Reformation" metaphor they're going for is definitely appropriate: they're aiming to replace "neoclassical economics" — the Roman Catholic dogma in this metaphor — with a a pluralistic set of different dogmas — the various dogmas of the Protestant denominations (Lutheran, Anabaptist, Calvinist, Presbyterian, etc). For example, Thesis 2 says:
2. The distribution of wealth and income are fundamental to economic reality and should be so in economic theory.
This may well be true, but a scientific approach does not assert this and instead collects empirical evidence that we find to be in favor of hypotheses about observables that are affected by the distribution of wealth. A dogmatic approach just assumes this. It is just as dogmatic as neoclassical economics assuming the market distribution is efficient.
In fact, several of the theses are dogmatic assertions of things that either have tenuous empirical evidence in their favor or are simply untested hypotheses. These theses are not things you dogmatically assert, but rather should show with evidence:
I wonder whether economics should be taught as a science, especially since conventional economists seem to think that economics is more like physics than the social sciences.

There are problems with assuming that, which I won't repeat. But to my mind, the most obvious difficulty is well-known among the public. Perhaps the most powerful argument for "science" is demonstrated not in words, or through experiment, but rather in the success of technology that everyone uses all the time to change the world.

Is there anything like this with respect to economics? Not only no, but also the opposite in many cases.

The study economics is not even a required in most business schools, because business schools have discovered that time is better spent in getting results. If it got results, business schools would be hiring the top economists. They are not.

The teaching of economics needs to be rethought in light not only of the failure of economists to deliver results but also in their making bad situations worse. The dismal handling of the aftermath of the global financial crisis is a case in point. In addition, conventional economists and policymakers have literally laid waste entire European countries and their economies.

A lot of people are likely thinking, if this science we want none of it. Monkeys throwing darts could probably do better.

And ironically, Western economists and policymakers were put to shame by the positive result that China showed using a command economy to address the issues promptly and avoid contraction. But Western economists explain this by "cheating."

Information Transfer Economics
Jason Smith

Monday, July 10, 2017

Nick Johnson — Trumponomics Part 1: Causes of the phenomenon

As promised, here is a review of some of the ideas covered in the fairly weighty tome Trumponomics – Causes and Consequences, recently published by the World Economics Association.
The book consists of 30 chapters, each one written by a different author. They are wide-ranging, but all come from a left perspective on economics and politics.
I am not going to review it chapter by chapter, but thought I would discuss some of the main ideas. As there is plenty to get through, I have divided it into three posts to be published this week: part 1 – causes, part 2 – consequences, and part 3 – alternatives.
The Political Economy of Development
Trumponomics Part 1: Causes of the phenomenon
Nick Johnson

Monday, February 13, 2017

Lars P. Syll — Dani Rodrik a heterodox economist? You must be joking!

Lars writes:
Economics students today are complaining more and more about the way economics is taught. The lack of fundamantal diversity — not just path-dependent elaborations of the mainstream canon — and narrowing of the curriculum, dissatisfy econ students all over the world. The frustrating lack of real world relevance has led many of them to demand the discipline to start develop a more open and pluralistic theoretical and methodological attitude.
Dani Rodrik has little understanding for these views, finding it hard to ‘understand these complaints in the light of the patent multiplicity of models within economics.’ Rodrik shares the view of his colleauges Paul Krugman, Greg Mankiw and Simon Wren-Lewis — all of whom he approvingly cites in his book Economics Rules — that there is nothing basically wrong with ‘standard theory’ and ‘economics textbooks.’ As long as policy makers and economists stick to ‘standard economic analysis’ everything is fine. Economics is just a method that makes us ‘think straight’ and ‘reach correct answers.’
There are several major problems with conventional economics.

The first is that results are gained from very narrow scope conditions. The scope of the model is limited to areas where there is regularity accounted for by the model. Where irregularities occur, which is most most needs to be explained, is put outside the scope of the model and dismissed as unforeseeable exogenous shocks. That's just a cop out.

A second problem is assuming static conditions when conditions are dynamic and change significantly over time. Societies are historical phenomena and when conditions change significantly, then the time frame needs to be set to zero to capture the new conditions. For example, in finance and economics, the global monetary system changed when Bretton Woods was adopted and again when Nixon ended the convertibility of the dollar into gold at a fixed rate for international settlement. Reinhart and Rogoff made this error in their historical study of debt that became the foundation for the "expansionary fiscal austerity" that was supposed to lead to recover after the Global Financial Crisis. NOT!

The third problem is even more serious in that they it undercuts the whole enterprise of pseudo-science that tends to affect social science including economics, especially when the natural sciences are taken as a standard to be emulated in social science. The subject matter is deeply different. The operation of the laws of nature in natural science is necessary logically, whereas human behavior is contingent and regularity is based on habit structure, custom, cultural tradition and institutional arrangements, none of which are necessary and change historically. This making this mistake by conflating natural and social science substitutes ideology for science and constitutes pseudoscience.

Philosopher of social science Daniel Little explains this in his post, Ideologies, policies, and social complexity, at  his blog Understanding Society.
According to the premises of this approach, we are not well served by imagining that there are simple, largescale forces that drive the outcomes in history. Examples of efforts at overly simplified explanations like these include:
  • Onerous conditions of the Treaty of Versailles caused the collapse of the Weimar Republic. 
  • The Chinese Revolution succeeded because of post-Qing exploitation of the peasants.
  • The Industrial Revolution occurred in England because of the vitality of English science. 
Instead, each of these large outcomes is the result of a large number of underlying processes, motivations, social movements, and contingencies that defy simple summary. To understand the Mediterranean world over the sweep of time, we need the detailed and granular research of a Fernand Braudel rather than the simplified ideas of Johann Heinrich von Thunen in the economic geography of central place theory.
In situations of this degree of underlying complexity, it is pointless to ask for a simple answer to the question, "what caused outcome X?" So the Great Depression wasn't the outcome of capital's search for profits; it was instead the complex product of interacting forms of private business activity, financial institutions, government action, legislation, war, and multiple other forces that conjoined to create a massive and persistent economic depression.
This approach has solid intellectual and ontological foundations. This is pretty much how the social world works. But this ontological vision about the nature of the social world is hard to reconcile with the large intellectual frameworks on the left and on the right that are used to diagnose our times and sometimes to prescribe solutions to the problems identified.
An ideologue is a thinker who seeks to subsume the sweep of history or current events under an overarching narrative with simple explanatory premises and interpretive schemes. The ideologue wants to portray history as the unfolding of a simple set of forces or drivers — whether markets, classes, divine purposes, or philosophies. And the ideologue is eager to force the facts into the terms of the narrative, and to erase inconvenient facts that appear to conflict with the narrative....
This approach only works empirically restrictions are introduced, e.g., by choosing scope conditions are so limited that that the assumptions are confirmed in a narrow range, or by making ad hoc adjustments after the fact, or by selecting data to fit the model, or by handwaving.

Lars P. Syll’s Blog
Lars P. Syll | Professor, Malmo University

Friday, December 9, 2016

Erik Bähre — Towards a Heterodox and Reflexive Economics

After the 2008 financial crisis, the call for a more heterogeneous approach to studying and teaching economics intensified. But how can heterodoxy take up a more prominent place in economic science? A cultural anthropologist offers three suggestions.
Category of doh. Conventional neoclassically trained economists don't get any of this. Institutional economists do.

The Human Economy
Towards a Heterodox and Reflexive Economics
Erik Bähre | Associate Professor, Institute of Cultural Anthropology and Development Sociology, Leiden University

Monday, November 14, 2016

David M. Fields — New MA Program in Economics at John Jay, 100% Heterodox!

The Master of Arts in Economics at John Jay is a new 36-credit graduate program that provides students with a comprehensive and rigorous education in applied, pluralist economics. It is one of a handful of graduate programs in the country that focuses primarily on issues of economic justice such as economic democracy, diversity, inequality, sustainability and community development. Students at John Jay will study the history of economics and economic thought, the economics of gender, environmental sustainability, local and international economic development, and global inequalities of income and wealth, while acquiring essential technical skills such as writing and data analysis valued by practitioners in the field.
Radical Political Economy
New MA Program in Economics at John Jay, 100% Heterodox!
David M. Fields

Monday, August 29, 2016

Simon Wren-Lewis — Heterodox economics, mainstream macro and the financial crisis


Hyman Minsky, Wynne Godley, SFC modeling, and by implication MMT.

"We already knew that."

Mainly Macro
Heterodox economics, mainstream macro and the financial crisis
Simon Wren-Lewis | Professor of Economics, Oxford University
ht Random in the comments

Friday, August 19, 2016

Matias Vernengo — Noah Smith on heterodox models


Matias deftly takes down Noah contra heterodoxy as not knowing what he is talking about. To cut to the chase, read this. It's short and has some good references, too.

Naked Keynesianism
Noah Smith on heterodox models
Matias Vernengo | Associate Professor of Economics, Bucknell University

Wednesday, June 1, 2016

Matias Vernengo — Overdose of heterodoxy, failed Keynesian policies or same old balance of payments constraint

Ricardo Hausmann blames the situation in Venezuela to excessive heterodox policies. The piece is not particularly well written, but if you look for the deep cause of the crisis, according to Hausmann, then you must conclude that it is a fiscal one. The government spent too much, and got into too much debt.…
So fiscal problems, too much spending and borrowing, too much money printing, which caused inflation and the currency crisis (the black market gap between the official and parallel value of the domestic currency). As I have discussed in many posts (too many to link) and in a recent paper causality is upside down.…
Naked Keynesianism
Overdose of heterodoxy, failed Keynesian policies or same old balance of payments constraint
Matias Vernengo | Associate Professor of Economics, Bucknell University

Tuesday, March 1, 2016

William K. Black — The Urgent Need to Save Orthodox Economists from their Crippling Myths


Noah Smith's post sparks Sheriff Bill into action, explaining how conventional economists still don't get it. It's an excellent summary of Bill's many blogs on the subject.

New Economic Perspectives
The Urgent Need to Save Orthodox Economists from their Crippling Myths
William K. Black | Associate Professor of Economics and Law, UMKC

Tuesday, February 2, 2016

Asad Zaman — Theories of Knowledge


The following is the foundation on which the argument is built. The whole post is worth reading from the point of view of heterodoxy successfully confronting orthodoxy.
All heterodox economists agree on one thing, by definition of heterodoxy: orthodox economics contains (huge) errors. INSTEAD of explaining what these errors are and trying to fix them, I would like to stand back from the fray and try to examine what is going on from a distance. WHAT makes certain theories popular? WHY do most people come to believe in theories? WHAT causes changes in these beliefs? By studying the Methodology of Polanyi’s Great Transformation, I came to the understanding that theories can only be understood within their historical context. This understanding is violently in conflict with the conception of knowledge, based on positivist ideas, that I learned in the universities. Contrary to positivist ideas, to understand the process of emergence of theories, and how these theories change over time, one has to do analysis at three levels simultaneously:
LEVEL 1: The Historical Facts, the Context, The Various Groups engaged in the struggle for power, and their interests and ideological positions.
LEVEL 2: The THEORIES which are in use by different groups to analyze the historical experience. It is crucial to understand theories as the lens and framework used by different groups to understand history. Theories prescribe actions to be taken, and groups act to shape history in light of understanding furnished by (often false) theories.
LEVEL 3: Rise and fall of theories as a consequence of the shifting sands of political fortunes of different groups, as well as twists and turns of emergent historical events.…
The naive notion about emergence and adoption of theories can be summarized as:
STANDARD (logical positivist) THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE: A theory will be discarded once it is shown to be false. A theory will be adopted if it can be proven to be true.
On the basis of this positivist idea, we try to prove that dominant theories are false, and offer alternatives which we try to prove true. We think that if we are successful in this attempt, our theories will be accepted. Of all people, heterodox economists should be the first to understand that this theory of knowledge is wrong. They are witness to the long standing dominance and widespread acceptance of theories which are obviously false, and easily demonstrated to be wrong. Thus we need to move to a more sophisticated theory of knowledge. Foucault builds on Marx, and provides a very useful improvement.
POWER/KNOWLEDGE: Theories which are aligned with interests of power become accepted. Moreover, acceptance of these theories actually creates power — power and knowledge are entangled.
Thus, acceptance of neoclassical economics is very beneficial to the interests of the rich and powerful, and that is why it is the dominant theory. Universities serve to indoctrinate a select class to serve the interests of power. Based on this understanding of knowledge, we would not waste time trying to convince those in power of the truth and validity of our theories. Instead, we would appeal to those groups whose interests would be served by the theories we are offering as alternatives. We would focus on the benefits of believing our theories more than on the proof of their validity. The bottom 90%, those who are deeply in debt, those who are powerless, would be the natural target audience, who would listen to our theories because they are aligned with their interests.
I think Polanyi’s analysis of emergence and transformation of structures of knowledge goes further than this, and is more complex. We must understand human knowledge as a social construct — it comes into being because we agree to accept it, and consensus emerges. The agreement can be forced by powers that be using coercion and persuasion in different combinations. Truth is helpful in persuasion, and so it does matter, but it is not the only factor which is relevant. Many readings on the relation between power and knowledge are given on my webpage linked.…
Real-World Economics Review Blog
Theories of Knowledge
Asad Zaman | Vice Chancellor, Pakistan Institute of Development Economics and former Director General, International Institute of Islamic Economics, International Islamic University Islamabad