Showing posts with label Dan Kervick. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Dan Kervick. Show all posts

Monday, March 30, 2015

Brad DeLong — Monday Worth Reading: Dan Kervick and Matt Bruenig


Brad DeLong promotes Dan Kervick and Matt Bruenig. Kudos to all.
Critics... well, probably better to call them "friends" have pointed out to me that last summer I didn't spend enough time linking to Dan Kervick's and Matt Brunig's contributions to the Piketty debate. I remember reading them at the time. And I cannot figure out why I didn't focus more on them--save probably because both seemed to me to be thinking along the lines I was thinking along, I didn't think that there was much new there. But usually I am anxious to promote people saying things that I think are smart and right, so it is a puzzle...
More generally, if you like intelligent takes on modern economics coming from the terrain of philosophy, Dan Kervick is the kind of thing you will like...
Now how about some strokes for the MMT economists. They are overdue.

Grasping Reality
Monday Worth Reading: Dan Kervick and Matt Bruenig
Brad DeLong | Professor of Economics, UCAL Berkeley

Thursday, June 19, 2014

George Cooper — Still not buying r > g

Dan Kervick writing on Rugged Egalitarian, has written an interesting article which looks to be, at least partially, a rebuttal of my recent post: The Magical Mathematics of Mr Piketty Part II. Dan sets out a thought experiment built around a model economy of serfs (workers) and barons (capital owners). He uses the model to argue that the rate of return on capital, r, is unrelated to the rate of economic growth g. Specifically, to show that it is possible to have a zero growth economy with a 5% return on capital, thereby supporting Piketty’s r > g claim.
Readers will be unsurprised to hear – I’m still not convinced.
Still not buying r > g
George Cooper

Thursday, January 23, 2014

The pushback against the income inequality story has begun

Just like Dan Kervick said!

And no surprise that Fox News is the outlet that is spewing the propaganda of the elites that is trying to convince folks inequality is not a big concern.

Sunday, February 19, 2012

Dan Kervick responds to Dean Baker


Dan Kervick posted the following as a comment at CEPR in response to Dean Baker's recent post on MMT, in which Baker recommends using monetary policy and increasing exports along with fiscal policy to address lagging demand. Dan also posted this as a comment here. I am promoting it to a post.

Dan Kervick:

I'm a strong MMT sympathizer and fellow traveler, but not an economist. I believe the deficit-driven fiscal channel promoted by MMT is by far the best of the three alternatives. But I speak only for myself in defending this position.

First, the interest rate channel seems to be somewhat effective for modulating demand in normal times, but limited in times like the present. Who honestly thinks we can effectively boost demand and economic activity just by more interest rate tweaks? That channel is exhausted.

Also, the interest rate channel works by expanding credit. That's fine for business investment, but the foundation of production is consumption demand, and I don't see why we should be at all eager to expand consumer credit again, especially following the terrible catastrophe of the credit bubble that we have just recently lived through. Progressives should prefer to find ways to generate economic activity that do not depend on further indenturing consumers to society's feudal landlords, but that instead put secure income boosts directly in consumers's bank accounts.

The devaluation channel works by reducing the real wages of working people, particularly those who have the least workplace bargaining power and can least afford to have their real wages reduced. Yes, this makes those poorer workers more "competitive" with the serfs who live abroad. Surely we should avoid this path if there are alternatives. In a society in which CEO to worker pay ratios are now measured in the hundreds, while incomes in the bottom deciles have stagnated and dropped for years, it is absurd to conclude that the problem with the American economy is overpaid workers buying too much stuff from Walmart.

My own view is that the excess of consumer credit and the general decline in economic health is a result of growing income imbalances and growing economic insecurity, and so we should prefer policies that boost demand and economic activity by promoting greater income equality, and especially by boosting incomes and security in the bottom portions of our population.

Government spending works by redistributing purchasing power. If it's spending of the classic, deficit-neutral tax-and-spend variety, then the redistribution is obvious. Purchasing power is directly removed from those who have it in abundance and bestowed on those who do not have as much of it. Because the shift can often go from those who have a higher propensity to hoard and toward those who have a higher propensity to consume and produce, the redistribution can be a large net plus for society.

If the additional government spending is instead accomplished by expanding the deficit in the manner proposed by MMT, the re-distributive effect is more subtle and less disruptive, both economically and politically. One adds to the purchasing power of some without taking money directly from others. This boosts the demand for goods and services, and eventually the economy reaches a higher equilibrium state where those at the bottom are enjoying a significantly better standard of living while the rest enjoy more or less the standard they had before. Relative purchasing power has been redistributed.

The other great thing about the fiscal channel is that we can decide how to to spend the money, and can use it for big projects of long-deferred public investment, instead of relying solely on the frequently wasteful whims of the private sector, and it's endless flim-flam rackets and artificially induced desires.

Economists seem to love to stick with aggregates, and avoid uncomfortable discussions of distribution. But apart from the important social questions of justice and power in a democratic society, the dynamics of the aggregates and dynamics of distribution are entangled. It is impossible to avoid the distribution question.


Thursday, December 29, 2011

Dan Kervick elucidates MMT and JG



Promoted from the comments:

Tom: "MMT as a macro theory is chiefly about achieving full employment along with price stability."

Dan: I that's an important point, Tom. I agree that MMT has a purely descriptive component. And I think it is completely fair to say that the descriptive component is the core of MMT. That descriptive component can be separated from prescriptive elements, and stand on its own.

But people don't develop novel descriptive economic theories in a vacuum. They are usually trying to show something about the way parts of the economic world work because they think it is important to understand those things.

Suppose you are looking at pages of a book, and the book shows detailed maps of LA and San Francisco, along with highway maps of the interstates between those two cities, with descriptions of rest stops, restaurants and hotels along the interstates and of facilities in the cities as well. The content is all descriptive. And that descriptive content can stand alone to be used by various people for whatever purpose they desire. But it’s pretty clear from the nature and structure of the book that the book was designed to serve a particular purpose – it is designed for travelers between LA and San Francisco, and provides them with practical know-how for that particular activity.

Now MTT isn’t a comprehensive description of every aspect of our economy. There are vast areas of economic life about which MMT has either little to say at all, or nothing original to say. So what is the purpose of MMT? What is the point of its careful operational descriptions of the particular parts of modern economic system on which it focuses?

In Bill Mitchell's post yesterday, he quotes Randall Wray’s CofFEE keynote speech this month:

"And then there was the job guarantee, which I immediately recognized as Minsky’s employer of last resort. I can’t remember what Warren called it but Bill called it BSE, buffer stock employment.

"I had never thought of it that way, but Bill’s analogy to commodities price stabilization schemes added an important component that was missing from Minsky: use full employment to stabilize prices. With that we turned the Phillips Curve on its head: unemployment and inflation do not represent a trade-off, rather, full employment and price stability go hand in hand."

This idea of "standing the Phillips curve on its head" seems to have been a key eureka moment for some of the earlier developers of MMT. And it really is a key part of the rationale behind the development of the descriptive parts of MMT.

If you read a lot of the blogs written by mainstream economists, or any mainstream macro textbook, you see that mainstream economist have had the Phillips curve and its companions burned into their brains, along with ideas such as the natural rate of unemployment. They think instinctively in terms of a tradeoff between employment and price stability. They are constantly arguing that either we need to accept high unemployment to keep the inflation rate down, or produce inflation to get employment up. Overturning this broad front of depressing orthodoxy is the central reason that Wray and Mitchell, I think were so excited about the views they were developing.

Wray emphasizes that point in the preface to Understanding Modern Money:

“The primary policy conclusion that comes out of this analysis is, perhaps, shocking, but can be stated simply: It is possible to have truly full employment without causing inflation. This will appear to be a desirable goal, but a preposterous claim; no self-respecting Keynesian, monetarist or supply-sider would allow herself to entertain such hopes. But if the analysis here is correct – and it goes without saying that I am sure it is – then the logical conclusion is that we can move immediately to full employment with enhanced price stability. Indeed, as I will argue, the two goals are inextricably linked: the policy that is recommended to achieve full employment will also increase price stability.”

In answer to another comment, Dan writes:

Dan: ...everyone realizes that you can always get full employment by having the government hire everyone willing and able to work. But the controversy is over whether you can do this without creating higher inflation. Since the orthodoxy that you can't is very common in mainstream economics, and since some even go further and argue that in the long run reducing unemployment below the natural rate will cause not just increased inflation but a recessionary stagflation, then I think the ideas developed by Wray and Mitchell were and still are a pretty big deal, and deserve to be regarded as very innovative and heterodox.

Wray and Mitchell actually go further and argue that not only is full employment consistent with price stability, a job guarantee program can actually help promote price stability by providing a nominal anchor for the price of employed labor. That's a pretty big idea. And I don't think there are a lot of people out there promoting anything like it other than the MMT people.

I think it's important for people to continue to look at this seminal MMT thinking, because it is an answer to the frequent charge that MMT thinkers do not address the issue of inflation, or even have a theory of inflation, and promote reckless view of endless money-financed government spending. Warren Mosler constantly rebuts this by saying that the inflation concern should be the *only* concern when considering the limits on government spending - and there is no solvency concern. But Wray and Mitchell go even further in their work, because their version of MMT has a Keynesian theory of the basis of price stability built right into it, and an account of the actual mechanisms to use to achieve it - a mechanism that has the additional benefit of achieving the incredibly desirable social result of full employment.