The latest IMF Fiscal Monitor, “Tackling Inequality,” is out and it represents a direct challenge to the United States.Occasional Links & Commentary
Tackle this!
David F. Ruccio | Professor of Economics, University of Notre Dame
An economics, investment, trading and policy blog with a focus on Modern Monetary Theory (MMT). We seek the truth, avoid the mainstream and are virulently anti-neoliberalism.
The latest IMF Fiscal Monitor, “Tackling Inequality,” is out and it represents a direct challenge to the United States.Occasional Links & Commentary
Sharply increasing inequality became an integral part of the narrative on Chinese development since the beginning of the reform process in 1978. Over the past decade, however, many studies have argued that inequality has been plateauing, or even declining. This column uses several datasets, including household surveys and regional-level government statistics, to show evidence of a mitigation of inequality in the early 21st century, and indeed, declining rates over recent years. Possible drivers of this turnaround are urbanisation, transfer and regulation regimes, and tightening rural labour markets.…Conclusion
Thus, transfer and regulation regimes, combined with tightening labour markets in rural areas, have acted to mitigate inequality in China. Some evidence of this is found in Tables 2 and 3, which show the income share for each of a number of income sources and the Gini coefficients of income from each source. Inequality of wage income has fallen sharply, as has inequality of transfers. These are the dominant factors in total income, so their declining inequality is the dominant factor in the inequality turnaround. Further details of these calculations and interpretations are given in Kanbur et al. (2017).VOX.euThe great Chinese inequality turnaround
Inequality has fallen in the UK - which might be worrying.Stumbling and Mumbling
This sounds like an odd thing to say. But it's the natural implication of what Ben Chu rightly says. He notes that whilst the Gini coefficient hasn't changed much since the early 90s, the share of income going to the top 1% has risen.
However, we can think of the Gini coefficient as a single measure of all inequalities: the gap between the top 1% and the second percentile, plus the gap between the second and third percentiles, and so on. For this reason, the same Gini coefficient can describe very different societies.
The Gini coefficient can therefore be stable if one inequality increases and another diminishes. As Ben says, inequality has risen in the sense that the top 1% has gotten relatively better off. But it follows, therefore, that some other inequality has fallen.
Ask most economists about the level of inequality in a country and chances are they will first point to its Gini coefficient. The statistic gives a single number that shows the level of inequality in the distribution of any kind of good. It could be income, wealth, or consumption. The “Gini” is widely cited and very useful, but a new inequality measure, the Palma index, can help complement the Gini coefficient and other measures of inequality.WCEG
The Wall Street Journal piece completely ignores the real significance of income disparity. The authors use the Gini Index, which measures high and low income differences. It concludes that certain states that pursue relatively progressive policies, such as New York, Connecticut and California, have greater disparity than other states that do not, like Wyoming, Alaska, Utah, Hawaii and New Hampshire, suggesting a causal relationship. They conveniently leave out Texas and Florida, each of which has a Gini Index almost the same as California, but which are hardly known for progressive policies....
Do you see the pattern that the authors assert? Me neither. In fact, it seems like the list consists of places in which there are large concentrations of either very wealthy people (finance, energy, wealthy retirees, entertainment) or very poor people (immigrants, minorities, rural populations) or both.
Aside from omitting the second and fourth largest states in the union, this simple minded linkage of disparity with progressive policies is totally misleading. For one thing, it ignores that disparity can be a function of a concentration of the super rich. But, of course, there are many other flaws in their argument. The simplistic measurement of absolute disparity tells us nothing useful about the dynamics of the economy unless all income groups move in lock step with growth of the overall economy....
The authors of the Wall Street Journal piece eventually mention Texas by praising its laissez faire policies. They describe how Texas has attracted businesses from places like California by offering minimal regulation and low taxes as if this were a good thing.
The right way to see this policy is that it encourages a race to the bottom by abdicating government’s responsibility for the general well-being of its citizens. By omitting the Gini Index data on Texas, the authors hope to skate by the obvious consequences of the wild-west policies of the Lonestar State: letting business run free and not taxing the wealthy makes the rich richer and the poor poorer and less secure.More lying with statistics by excluding relevant data? Seem that right wing foundations and media are hiring either sub-standard economists or else propagandists. Another hit piece aimed at the discussion that Piketty has provoked?
I’ve come up with a model, which suggests that even a rather slight Piketty-esque reduction of inequality is enough to bring about enormous gains in stability. The fundamental reason is that, in this model — which is intentionally simplistic and intended only as inspiration — there’s “coupling” between the fluctuations among the fortune of the hyper-rich and the irreversible downfall of the more modest into survival-level misery. Moderating hyper-wealth is thus a need, not just a societal choice among others.
In this model, you’ll only find very simple things: the “wealth” of individuals, who will be lucky or unlucky in their daily exchanges, and end up after a while with more or less “fortune”.Blog de Paul Jorion
There’s also a poverty level, because one can only risk what lies above that threshold: the poor won’t risk any more than a few euros, the rich only a few millions.
Global wealth evolves with those exchanges, but I’ve chosen to put that aside, to “normalise” it as the mathematically-inclined say. This circumvents much more complex debates on demography, technology, sociology, “value creation”, etc. This only affirms that each society defines financial well-being locally, that one is only rich or poor in comparison with his neighbours.
Every day, one risks a part of his surplus (in every form, including time and effort) with varying success. This will be described as an independent random process. In principle, he exchanged with other people, and some form of compensation should exist, but that can only be true on average — and sometimes not even so, as an especially bad bet involving a huge sum of money can make everyone poorer. In contrast, one who invents something especially useful but only extracts a fraction of the societal gain (this being springtime, I’m hoping for a silent lawnmower) can make everybody substantially richer.
I should acknowledge that many conservatives still believe that inequality isn’t anything to worry about. Some of them say that commonly used statistics, such as the ones I have cited, exaggerate the inequities in the U.S. economy. Others argue that inequality is healthy—a sign that innovation and entrepreneurship are being rewarded. Here are a couple of places where you can find out more about these viewpoints. The first is by Diana Furchtgott-Roth, of the Manhattan Institute. The second is a PBS NewsHour interview with Richard Epstein, of the law school at N.Y.U.
I don’t find these arguments convincing. In the words of the Economic Report of the President: “The confluence of rising inequality and low economic mobility over the past three decades poses a real threat to the future of the United States as a land of opportunity.The New Yorker
I fear the American left’s recent move to put income inequality reduction front and centre might be harmful rather than helpful. It may foster a conviction that the key to addressing America’s social, economic and political problems is to reduce the top 1 per cent’s share or the Gini coefficient. That could distract attention from more direct and effective efforts to address those problems.
Such efforts include fully universal health insurance; improvements in eligibility, duration and benefit level for various social-insurance and social-assistance programmes; wage insurance; early education; enhanced financial support for college; a minimum wage indexed to prices; an expanded earned-income tax credit indexed to average compensation; and monetary policy less tilted towards inflation avoidance.
Policy changes like these would go a long way towards improving economic security, enhancing opportunity (and mobility) and ensuring shared prosperity in the US. Inequality of political influence could be lessened via direct reforms, such as reversal of the Citizens United decision, introduction of a strong transparency rule and public funding for congressional election campaigns.Asymptosis
In his new book, Thomas Piketty argues that R, the rate of return on capital (which is different than the safe interest rate "r") is greater than g, the rate of economic growth, and that this fact can be expected to continue into the indefinite future, resulting in an ever-rising capital share of income and an ever-falling labor share. The big question is whether R really will be greater than g into the foreseeable future.
It occurs to me that this is just the "robots vs. globalization" argument all over again....
These explanations aren't mutually exclusive, of course. But in terms of policy, if the "rise of the robots" is the biggest factor, we need to think about all kinds of difficult policy decisions and welfare arguments. But if globalization is the main reason for R>g over the last 4 decades, then all we can do - and all we should do - is wait for the big wave to end.
No, there won’t be a global campaign against global inequality. The wealthy have written the rules to guarantee itSalon
Diminished prospects – what some describe as the “new normal” – now confront a vast proportion of the population, with wages falling not only for noncollege graduates but also for those with four-year degrees. Overall, median incomes for Americans fell 7 percent in the decade following 2000 and are not expected to recover, according to some economic models, until 2021.
This decline has infected the national mood. Today, more middle- and working-class Americans predict that their children will not do better than they have done.Overall, almost one-third of the public, according to Pew, consider themselves “lower” class, as opposed the middle class, up from barely one-quarter who thought so in 2008.
It’s not surprising, then, that the vast majority of Americans believe the president’s economic policy has been a dismal failure, at least for the middle and working classes. Federal Reserve monetary policy, in particular, appeared to favor the interests of the wealthy over those of the middle, yeoman class. “Quantitative easing,” notes one former high-level official, essentially constituted a “too big to fail” windfall for the largest Wall Street firms, and did little for anyone else. Faith in the economy, despite the soaring stock market and increased price of assets, has remained weak. Americans by a 2-1 margin rate the economy negatively.
These realities helped spark both the Tea Party and the Occupy movements and underpin the support for such disparate figures as Sarah Palin and Elizabeth Warren. At the same time, outrage at our current economy has undermined public esteem for almost every institution of power – from government and large corporations to banks and Wall Street – to the lowest point ever recorded.New Geography
Pay gaps within companies widen as top two earners, led by Facebook’s Mark Zuckerberg, earn billion-dollar paychecks....
All told, the top 10 CEOs in this year’s poll took home over $4.7bn between them and for the first time ever none earned less than $100m....
Overall GMI’s poll of pay and other forms of compensation for 2,259 US CEOs found an average rise of 8.47%, less than the double-digit growth they have enjoyed for the past two years. But the average hides a more complex picture. This year’s top earners far outstripped those below them by making huge fortunes cashing in share options as the stock markets bounced back.
The report further illustrates the widening gap between CEO pay and that of the average worker. According to the US census bureau, median household income, adjusted for inflation, was $51,017 in 2012, broadly unchanged from 2011. Wages for the average household have fallen about 9% from an inflation-adjusted peak of $56,080 in 1999. The census figures show a sharp recovery for those at the top of the wage scale as those at the bottom continue to see falls.
The average pay package of an S&P 500 CEO – the US’s top 500 companies – last year was $13.7m. For those in charge of S&P small cap companies it was $3.5m....
Of the top 10 earners in 2012 all received the majority of their compensation for the year from share schemes.The Raw Story
America has a problem, a big one, the middle class has been wiped out. It is economic genocide and the target is most of America. The statistics just continue to pour in on how poorly America is doing. Even as the greatmanufactured crisis is over in D.C., the political agenda once again has nothing to do with helping America's middle class. Why jobs are not job #1 by this government we do not know. To drive home just how bad it is below we should some damning maps....The Economic Populist