Showing posts with label Scott Fullwiler. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Scott Fullwiler. Show all posts

Tuesday, April 14, 2020

Why Fiscal Sustainability Is An Unsustainable — Brian Romanchuk

One frequently encounters variations of the phrase "unsustainable debt trajectory" (or similar) in statements by mainstream economists. The phrase is popular as it offers what appears to be a sophisticated criticism of some fiscal policy setting that is disapproved of, but without having any content that can be used to prove the speaker wrong. Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) largely rejects that "debt sustainability" has theoretical validity for a floating currency sovereign. I will focus on the analysis of a paper by Scott Fulwiler to justify this stance....
Bond Economics
Why Fiscal Sustainability Is An Unsustainable Concept
Brian Romanchuk

Wednesday, March 4, 2020

Initial Comments On Fullwiler's Fiscal Sustainability Paper — Brian Romanchuk

Scott Fullwiler's article "The debt ratio and sustainable macroeconomic policy"* offers a very good introduction to Modern Monetary Theory's (MMT) stance on fiscal policy. It covers a lot of ground, making it hard to summarise. This article has some general remarks on why I recommend reading the paper as an introduction to MMT thinking. The key argument is that interest service is what matters for sustainability (and not the debt-to-GDP ratio) -- and that the rate of interest is under the control of governments.
Apparently Stephanie Kelton thinks that this is a good intro to MMT thinking, too. When Larry Summers requested somethings to read to get up to speed on MMT, she recommended Scott's paper.

Bond Economics
Brian Romanchuk
 
 
 

Sunday, November 17, 2019

Scott Fullwiler — Quick(?) MMT 101 lesson

From Twitter via AppThreadReader
https://threadreaderapp.com/thread/1133586537512341504.html

Note: material in brackets is added to the original by Tom Hickey for clarification.

Scott Fullwiler @stf18
1. Quick(?) MMT 101 lesson:

From the very beginning in the 1990s, MMT has NEVER argued that 'printing money' was necessary. Anyone saying MMT = "print money," even if they (correctly) incorporate an inflation constraint, is getting MMT dead wrong.

2. The argument from the earliest days--@wbmosler 's "Soft Currency Economics," Wray's "Understanding Modern Money," or @StephanieKelton 's "Can Taxes & Bonds Finance Govt Spending?"--the MMT argument is that ALL govt deficits are 'printing money' ALREADY (!).
[A currency issuer issues currency using its central bank as the government's fiscal agent acting on behalf of the Treasury to settle government appropriated spending into nongovernment in the payments system that the central bank administers. This is how state (chartal) money is created.—tjh]
3. These and other foundational, early MMT pieces argue that the choice to issue bonds or not is about monetary policy how to set the CB's interest rate target, not whether to 'finance' a deficit or 'print money.'

4. The argument across literally dozens of publications is consistent--whether or not govt issues bonds when it runs a deficit, the macroeconomic impact of 'bonds vs. money' is nil.
5. What matters for macro impact is the deficit itself, and how it is created (spending/taxing priorities), since the deficit is creating net financial wealth in the pvt sector (note I did NOT say 'real' wealth (!)).

6. The choice to issue bonds or not in the face of a deficit is simply about [one] risk-free govt asset (say, T-bills) vs. another risk-free govt asset of perhaps slightly longer maturity (but that's also a policy choice).

7. This is also partly why we predicted back in the 2001 that Japan's QE wouldn't be inflationary, and predicted the same for the US in 2008. QE & 'monetization' of govt debt is about an asset swap--it's the deficit itself that has the 'quantity' effect, not the financing.
 [This asset swap of one from of government liability to another does not alter the amount of net financial assets generated by deficits. It only alters the term and doesn't affect the quantity of nongovernment net financial assets.]

8. Similarly, in the real world, CB's are defending their national payments systems every minute of every day. This means they accommodate banks' demand for CB liabilities always at or near their current interest rate target.

9. From an MMT perspective, it's really weird that people believe a govt running a deficit via overdraft at the CB is inherently inflationary, but the current system, where govt runs a deficit while CB guarantees mkt liquidity for bond dealers to buy govt bonds, isn't.

10. So, from the beginning 20+ yrs ago, MMT said the 'choice' to issue bonds when running a deficit was about how to set CB's int rate target. W/ bond sales, CB accommodates banks at its tgt rate. W/o bond sales, CB sets rate at ZIRP or uses IOR=tgt rate to set tgt rate <> 0

11. This is just supply and demand from ECON 101. If you push out the supply curve beyond the entire demand curve, either the price falls to 0 or you have a price floor set at <> 0. Those are the only 2 possibilities when 'printing money' to run a deficit.

12. Neoclassicals actually agree w/ this, for different reasons. For them, if 'monetize' govt debt & CB rate = 0, 'monetization' isn't inflationary. Or, if CB sets rate <> 0 via IOR=target rate, still not inflationary.

13. In both cases, CB's reserves are considered effectively equivalent to holding, say, T-bills. So, 'monetization' or 'printing money' is effectively equivalent to 'printing' [issuing] T-bills. IOW, if you blend neoclassical model w/ actual CB ops, 'printing money' [issuing currency] isn't inflationary.

14. Putting this all together . . . MMT has NEVER argued that 'printing money' as conventionally interpreted is necessary to carry out MMT policy proposals. All deficits create net financial wealth for pvt sector, regardless of 'finance' method.

15. Choice to issue bonds or not when running a deficit is about how to set CB's target rate, not 'financing' a deficit. This means that interest on national debt is a policy variable, or at least can be (for monetary sovereign, of course).

16. So, choice to issue bonds or not is not about 'quantity' impact of a deficit, but about 'how' CB chooses to achieve its target rate. Hitting interest rate tgt by overdraft to govt & pay IOR=tgt rate=2% has no difference of macro significance from . . .

17. ... hitting interest rate target by govt instead issuing tbills while CB ensures mkt liquidity at tgt rate = 2% to banks & bond dealers.

18. Now, there are places where MMT scholars argued for no bond issuance, govt gets CB overdraft, & CB sets tgt rate= 0 (permanent ZIRP). Note, tho, that this is (a) not arguing in favor of 'printing money' even in neoclassical view (it's Krugman's liquidity trap, actually) ...

19. (b) and is therefore, simply a policy proposal for low interest rates on govt debt. It is also NOT arguing for ZIRP in a neoclassical world--Wray did his Ph.D. under Minsky. Minsky was against manipulating short term rates; instead favored credit regs/margins of safety.

20. That is, when MMT proposes ZIRP, it is proposing it for ONLY the govt debt, NOT for the economy overall as in a New Keynesian model. There are dozens of MMT publications on regulating credit, and more on the way. MMT was about macroprudential before that was a thing.

21. Minsky was adamant that manipulating short-term interest rates was actually destabilizing (he blamed the rise of money manager capitalism on Volcker's high rates). Raise margins of safety to slow credit rather than raising the overnight, risk-free rate.

22. A benefit of margins of safety is that raising interest rates to slow credit leads to higher hurdle rates that can only be met by riskier projects, while raising margins of safety slows credit by favoring the LESS risky loans.

23. Particularly given that the problem of a debt bubble is that credit QUALITY is bad, it's really weird from an MMT perspective that it's mostly MMT arguing in favor of macro policy that target credit quality ...

24. ... while neoclassicals go to lengths to NOT talk about credit quality--use a Taylor rule to manipulate short-term rates, increase liquidity requirements, increase capital, but little to nothing about underwriting. (Shocker--we now have a corp debt bubble.)

25. So, MMT is NOT arguing for 'printing money' and 'ZIRP' in the conventional, neoclassical world. MMT is arguing for stabilizing demand side of the economy w/ a mix of govt's budget position (at low rates, however 'financed') & credit quality/margins of safety.
The confusion arises to a great owing to overlooking 1) the distinction between the currency issuer and users of the currency that must obtain it from the issuer and 2) the nongovernment net financial assets that deficit spending generates as a nongovernment asset on the balance sheet balancing government liabilities created by public spending. Scott doesn't feature these points in the thread, so I added it for clarity. 

The point is that "printing money" is identical with  issuing currency through appropriated spending in excess of taxes, that is, deficit spending. Government spending is through the appropriation process and the appropriations are funded directly by currency issuance. A currency issuer is self-funding. 

Government spending increases nongovernment net financial assets in the government's payment system administered by the central bank, while taxes decrease nongovernment net financial assets in the payments system. The flip side of public (government) debt is private (nongovernment) saving. 

The only way that nongovernment can net save financial assets in aggregate over a period is through deficit spending, which is a flow that adds to the stock of government debt and nongovernment net financial assets as financial wealth. Warren Mosler points out that currency units that are not taxed back remain in the nongovernment as tax credits not yet assessed and collected. The ability of a government to levy and collect taxes "drives" demand for the currency as the only means of meeting this imposed obligation.

Those who obsess on debt, public and private, fail to understand that all money as an asset is someone's liability. State-created money is a liability of the state and an asset for the saver. Money created by financial institutions like commercial banks is a (loan) asset of the institution while the liability is that of the borrower.

The difference is that a state that is sovereign in its currency can always meet its obligations since it is the currency issuer, whereas currency users must obtain the currency to meet obligations. 

Thus, the real constraint on government issuance is availability of real resources for sale and the financial constraint is price stability.

What about the central bank being private? Many central banks are now owned by their governments, e.g, the Bank of England. The Fed is a public-private partnership whose profit after operating expenses and a 6% annual return on the capital of the member banks is deposited in the Treasury account and the stock cannot be traded.

In addition, there are three major functions of the Fed. The first is managing the payments system for final clearing. This is administered by the twelve federal reserve banks in accordance with the Federal Reserve Act of 1913 as amended. Most payment are now cleared by netting through clearing houses. The federal reserve banks are owned and operated by the member banks in the various regions in accordance with the current provisions of the Federal Reserve Act.

The second function is setting and administering monetary policy. This is the prerogative of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors and is administered through the FOMC at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York. These are functions administered by officials that are politically independent but appointed by government for a fixed term.

The third function of the Fed is regulation of the financial system. This ultimately falls to the chair of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors, a government appointment although "politically independent." For example, Alan Greenspan adopted a lax policy and after the global financial crisis admitted that it was too lax, owing to mistaken assumptions about incentives.

Sunday, July 21, 2019

Naked Capitalism — Modern money theory and its implementation and challenges: The case of Japan VoxEU. Thread in response by Fullwiler.


Lambert Strether posed these links at Naked Capitalism. The VoxEU article was posted here at MNE when it came out. It is cited here if you missed it. The operative post is the Twitter thread that Scott Fullwiler tweeted in response to it.

Modern money theory and its implementation and challenges: The case of Japan VoxEU. Thread in response by Fullwiler.Naked Capitalism

See also at Naked Capitalism today.

Michael Hudson exceeded himself on this one. Here is the conclusion.
The American promise is that the victory of neoliberalism is the End of History, offering prosperity to the entire world. But beneath the rhetoric of free choice and free markets is the reality of corruption, subversion, coercion, debt peonage and neofeudalism. The reality is the creation and subsidy of polarized economies bifurcated between a privileged rentierclass and its clients, eir debtors and renters. America is to be permitted to monopolize trade in oil and food grains, and high-technology rent-yielding monopolies, living off its dependent customers. Unlike medieval serfdom, people subject to this End of History scenario can choose to live wherever they want. But wherever they live, they must take on a lifetime of debt to obtain access to a home of their own, and rely on U.S.-sponsored control of their basic needs, money and credit by adhering to U.S. financial planning of their economies. This dystopian scenario confirms Rosa Luxemburg’s recognition that the ultimate choice facing nations in today’s world is between socialism and barbarism.
Michael Hudson: U.S. Economic Warfare and Likely Foreign Defenses
Michael Hudson | President of The Institute for the Study of Long-Term Economic Trends (ISLET), a Wall Street Financial Analyst, Distinguished Research Professor of Economics at the University of Missouri, Kansas City, and Guest Professor at Peking University

Wednesday, April 24, 2019

Jeff Spross — Why canceling student debt could be good for everyone

It's difficult to project precisely what the overall economic impact of this would be. Student debt is distributed all up and down the income ladder, and people at different income levels will spend or save the freed up money in varying proportions — it's the spending that will juice job growth and economic activity. But a Levy Institute paper from early 2018 — written by economists Scott Fullwiler, Stephanie Kelton, Catherine Ruetschlin, and Marshall Steinbaum — took a crack at figuring it out.
The Week
Why canceling student debt could be good for everyone
Jeff Spross

Wednesday, June 20, 2018

Katrina vanden Heuvel — Americans are drowning in student-loan debt. The U.S. should forgive all of it.


I'll break a self-imposed rule and link to the WaPo for this.
The debt burdens not only the debtors but also the entire economy by dampening consumer demand. The federal government guarantees more than 90 percent of all outstanding student debt. A recent paper by Scott Fullwiler, Stephanie Kelton, Catherine Ruetschlin and Marshall Steinbaum of the Levy Economics Institute found that if the government canceled the debt it owns and bought out the remaining private creditors, it would increase gross domestic product by between $86 billion and $108 billion per year over the next decade, adding between 1.2 million and 1.5 million jobs.

More importantly, if combined with making all public universities tuition-free, this country would ensure that no young person is condemned to debt for pursuing the higher education or technical training that virtually everyone agrees is vital to this nation’s future....
The Washington Post
Americans are drowning in student-loan debt. The U.S. should forgive all of it.
Katrina vanden Heuvel | editor and publisher of The Nation

Wednesday, February 28, 2018

Richard Eskow — Picture the United States Without Student Debt

A new report from Bard College’s Levy Economics Institute concludes that this bold idea – cancelling all outstanding student debt – would help the entire economy and create more than a million jobs.
To those who say we can’t afford to cancel this debt, the report poses a new and different question: Can we afford not to?
Cancel and Grow
Using widely-accepted economic tools, the report’s authors – Scott Fullwiler, Stephanie Kelton, Catherine Ruetschlin, and Marshall Steinbaum – found that cancelling all student debt this country would create between 1.2 and 1.5 million new jobs. It would also increase the nation’s GDP by $86 billion to $108 billion per year over the next ten years....
Common Dreams
Picture the United States Without Student Debt
Richard Eskow

Monday, February 12, 2018

Ben Schiller — Want To Stimulate The Economy? Cut Student Debt–Not Taxes

The recently passed Republican tax cut package will cost about $1.4 trillion over a decade, according to independent figures. It’s a very expensive policy that currently is not offset by an increase in government revenue, or by spending cuts.

Another measure would cost about the same amount and it too would be hard to justify as a deficit-busting policy. But it might have greater economic benefits, say economists. That policy would be canceling all student debt.

The contention comes from a paper from the Levy Economics Institute at Bard College, which models the macroeconomic impact of relieving 44 million Americans of what they owe for college. About 90% of the $1.4 trillion is held by the federal government. The rest is in the form of private loans.
This policy would be more macro-economically stimulative because of who the beneficiary is,” says Marshall Steinbaum, research director at the left-leaning Roosevelt Institute, and one of the authors of the report. “The tax cuts will go to higher income households that have a lower propensity to spend the money. We show that reducing the burden of student debt on households enables them to spend more.”...
Fast Company
Want To Stimulate The Economy? Cut Student Debt–Not Taxes
Ben Schiller

Friday, February 9, 2018

Ryan Cooper — The case for erasing every last penny of student debt

Student loan debt is a crushing problem in America. Over 44 million people have such loans, with an average balance of about $30,000 — making for a total debt pile of $1.4 trillion. Unsurprisingly, people often struggle to repay these debts with their entry-level wages after graduating. Student debt is now the most common form of troubled debt, with about 11 percent of them 90 days or more delinquent. Worse still, thanks to Republicans and neoliberal Democrats alike, they are almost impossible to discharge in bankruptcy.
We should try the most obvious solution: Congress should cancel all the debt and have the government pay back the lenders.
Perhaps that sounds radical and unworkable. But a new Levy Institute research paper by Scott Fullwiler, Stephanie Kelton, Catherine Ruetschlin, and Marshall Steinbaum demonstrates that it would be easily affordable and have powerfully positive side effects....
The Week
The case for erasing every last penny of student debt
Ryan Cooper

Thursday, December 7, 2017

Alex Hughes — Economists in 2017: What Can They Agree On?


MMT is mentioned, but the author buys into the criticism of MMT based on assuming central bank and Treasury consolidation, and he misses the key concept of Treasury issuance being a reserve drain in his criticism. He mentions Stephanie Kelton and gives a shout out to Scott Fullwiler, too. The post is also interesting as a look at popularized economics.

Hughes cites an Izabella Kaminska post at FT Alphaville on MMT that is worth reading or re-reading as the case may be:  Why MMT is like an autostereogram. Kaminska cites a previous post of hers, but the link is broken. Here it is:  Yes Virginia, there really is Modern Monetary Theory. This later post has a couple of excellent quotes by Stephanie Kelton and Michael Hudson.

The Market Mogul
Economists in 2017: What Can They Agree On?
Alex Hughes

Sunday, February 21, 2016

Scott Fullwiler to UMKC


Scott Fullwiler on Facebook:
Yesterday I accepted an offer from the Economics Department at the University of Missouri-Kansas City. Because there’s no such thing as “replacing” Randy Wray, I’ll just say that I will be joining the department this fall. The opportunity to work with UMKC’s excellent graduate students while being able to devote more time to furthering the development of a true alternative to neoclassical economics was too good (and too important, particularly given the times we are in) to pass on. I will be teaching the core graduate macro courses (with Stephanie Kelton), monetary economics, financial macro, and will be able to bring my mentor Greg Hayden’s Social Fabric Matrix methodology into the classroom for the first time in my career. I also plan to work on developing the field of ecological macroeconomics. During the past 15 years in Iowa, I’ve been blessed to have such wonderful colleagues and students here at Wartburg College. Waverly has been very good to us and it will be hard to say goodbye. But it is true that the only thing that is constant in life is change—this is just the beginning of a very big change for us.
Congratulations to Scott on his new appointment.

Monday, August 31, 2015

Jesse Livermore — Fiscal Inflation Targeting and the Cost of Large Government Debt Accumulation

The insight that fiscal policy can be used to manage inflation, in the way that monetary policy is currently used, is not new, but is attributable to the founders of functional finance, who were the first to realize that inflation, and not the budget, is what constrains the spending of a sovereign government. Advocates of modern monetary theory (MMT), the modern offshoot of functional finance, notably Scott Fulwiller [sic] of Wartburg College, have offered policy ideas for how to implement a fiscally-oriented approach. 
My view, which I elaborated on in a 2013 piece, is that the successful implementation of any such approach will need to involve the transfer of control over a portion of fiscal policy from the legislature and the treasury to the central bank. Otherwise, the implementation will become mired in politics, which will prevent the government’s fiscal stance from appropriately responding to changing macroeconomic conditions. 
There are concerns that such a policy would be unconstitutional in the United States, since only the legislature has the constitutional authority to levy taxes. But there is no reason why the legislature could not delegate some of that authority to the Federal Reserve in law, in the same way that it delegates its constitutional authority to create money. In the cleanest possible version of the proposal, the legislature would pass a law that creates a special broad-based tax, and that identifies a range of acceptable values for it, to include negative values–say, +10% to -10% of earned income below some cutoff. The law would then instruct the Federal Reserve to choose the rate in that range that will best keep inflation on target, given what is happening elsewhere in the economy and elsewhere in the policy arena.
Ultimately, the chief obstacle to the acceptance and implementation of fiscal inflation targeting is the fear that it would lead to the accumulation of large amounts of government debt. And it would, particularly in economies that face structural weakness in aggregate demand and that require recurrent injections of fiscal stimulus to operate at their potentials. But for those economies, having large government debt wouldn’t be a bad thing. To the contrary, it would be a good thing, a condition that would help offset the weakness.
The costs of large government debt accumulation are not well understood–by lay people or by economists. In this piece, I’m going to try to rigorously work out those costs, with a specific emphasis on how and in what circumstances they play out. It turns out that there is currently substantial room, in essentially all developed economies that have sovereign control over credible currencies, to use expansive fiscal policy to combat structural declines in inflation, without significant costs coming into play.

The reader is forewarned that this piece is long. It has to be, in order to make the mechanisms fully clear. For those that want a quick version, here’s a bulleted summary of the key points:
Philosophical Economics
Fiscal Inflation Targeting and the Cost of Large Government Debt AccumulationJesse Livermore
ht Phillipe in the comments

Thursday, May 29, 2014

Stephanie Kelton — Seeping into the Mainstream?


Scott Fullwiler spent part of the afternoon reading (and reacting to) a paper that John Cochrane just gave at a conference on central banking in Stanford, CA. I haven’t read the paper yet, but judging byScott’s reaction on Twitter, there’s lots to like about it. (Mostly because it appears to draw heavily from a broad swath of at least a decade of published work from MMTers.)
New Economic Perspectives
Seeping into the Mainstream?
Stephanie Kelton

Monday, July 1, 2013

Scott Fullwiler — Drop It: You Can Call for Helicopter Money but Drop the Call for “Coordination”


Scott's latest from NEP. Scott has not been blogging much lately although he occasionally comments are various places. So don't miss this one.

New Economic Perspectives
Drop It: You Can Call for Helicopter Money but Drop the Call for “Coordination”
Scott Fullwiler | James A. Leach Chair in Banking and Monetary Economics and is an Associate Professor of Economics at Wartburg College