Lars P. Syll’s Blog
What is Post Keynesian Economics?
Lars P. Syll | Professor, Malmo University
An economics, investment, trading and policy blog with a focus on Modern Monetary Theory (MMT). We seek the truth, avoid the mainstream and are virulently anti-neoliberalism.
What comes out of assuming ergodicity? All of basic thermodynamics and much of basic economics. If we assume economic (or thermodynamic) systems aren't ergodic -- what does that give us?
Essentially, assuming non-ergodicity is analogous to the assumption that I(A) < I(B) in the information transfer framework (ergoditicy is the assumption that I(A) ≈ I(B) ... the information in the two macro observable is the same, from which you can derive supply and demand).
What can we get from the assumption I(A) < I(B)? Nothing.
That is to say that while ergodicity is a useful assumption, non-ergodicity is a completely useless assumption. It doesn't prove that economies are quasi-periodic chaotic systems or that they are some other kind of complex system -- you need evidence for that! Show us a model that that is empirically successful. Or at least more empirically successful than assuming ergodicity.Yes, that's a point that Keynes made and which Davidson and Syll elaborate:
Many thanks for sending me your article I enjoyed it very much. I am sure these matters need discussing in that sort of way. There is one point, to which in practice I attach a great importance, you do not allude to. In many of these statistical researches, in order to get enough observations they have to be scattered over a lengthy period of time; and for a lengthy period of time it very seldom remains true that the environment is sufficiently stable. That is the dilemma of many of these enquiries, which they do not seem to me to face. Either they are dependent on too few observations, or they cannot rely on the stability of the environment. It is only rarely that this dilemma can be avoided.Of course, that is a bit of a hand wave but Keynes is much more specific about it in other places. But the idea is that the basis for neoclassical assumptions is too non-representation of the subject matter to yield a useful methodology. Neoclassical methods are not useful for telling us what we really need to know, in particular for policy formulation. Keynes proposed a new economic method based on a monetary production economy in which money is non-neutral and uncertainty dominates.
Letter from J. M. Keynes to T. Koopmans, May 29, 1941
What is Bitcoin? According to Modern Money Theory, bitcoin can not be money since it is not accepted in payment of taxes by any government — nor is it issued by any government via the governed purchase of goods and/or services from the private sector. So what is bitcoin in terms of MMT?? I do not know what MMT proponents would respond to this query?Professor Davidson seems to be confused over necessary v. sufficient conditionality wrt state money aka currency (Chartalism), and money as an IOU that is transferrable (Innes, Minsky).
While charge (1) is probably true, I think it is clear that charge (2) is false: there are Post Keynesians who do recognise degrees of uncertainty, such as, for example, Dow (1994 and 1995), Jespersen (2009: 8), Lars Syll, and (if he self-identifies as a Post Keynesian) Crocco (2002).
But I would like to see someone respond to charge (3).
Two axioms of classical economics that Keynes kept, however, and with which keeping Davidson concurs, are (1) people are self-interested and try to protect their income and wealth; and that (2) firms try to maximize profits ($REF).
These two axioms keep hidden far more than they disclose, however. For people are not only individually inclined to protect (and increase) their income and wealth: (1A) they collectively also are very much inclined to protect (and increase) their income and wealth in common cause, to the extent deemed necessary even at the expense of others not of their own group. And firms also: (2A) collectively in common cause to the same extent, are similarly inclined to maximize their profits above all else, even at the expense of other groups not of their own. Understanding this truth about collective action in economics (in politics also), one can replace the word “collisions” in the above quotation of Keynes with “collusions,” for collusion (by the favored few) is generally the best means by which to accomplish axioms (1A) and (2A).
What are we to make of these axioms in the Euclidian analogy of economics, regarding behavior collectively favoring for those of one’s own kind, and conversely detrimental to those not of one’s own kind? It is simply that the lines running parallel to each other, which in this analogy represent full employment in an efficient market, are actually not straight and do meet, simply because of collusion against workers (and the general populace) by capitalists working behind closed doors. The efficient market thus is degraded through the collusion of others (both individuals and firms) working according to the non-Euclidean axioms 1A and 2A. The free market, when it thus is not subject to government regulation and oversight that minimizes the detrimental effects (to workers and the general populace) of these non-Euclidean axioms (tends to make the economic lines more parallel), is inherently a very non-Euclidean space....Real-World Economics Review Blog
Paul Samuelson claimed that the “ergodic hypothesis” is essential for advancing economics from the realm of history to the realm of science.
But is it really tenable to assume – as Samuelson and most other neoclassical economists – that ergodicity is essential to economics?
The answer can only be – as I have argued here, here, here, here and here – NO WAY!Lars P. Syll's Blog
The government has the same pricing options with its money of any monopoly supplier of an absolute necessity. An analogy can be drawn, for example, with an electric utility monopoly although taxes give the currency monopolist a tool to regulate demand that the electric utility monopolist does not have.
How does the monopolist price his product? There are two options:
- Set price, p, and let quantity, q, float, or
- Set q and let p float.
The first option is generally preferred, with a gold standard or the proposed ELR program two examples of using the first option.
However, the government is currently employing the second option. It sets a budget that determines q (spending), and lets the market determine p (price level) as all purchases are made at market prices. If the monopolist decides to set q, and let the market decide p, it must constrain q so that demand exceeds q, or, for all practical purposes, the price of its product will fall towards 0. Government constraint of q to control p means using continuous unemployment and excess capacity to maintain price stability. Surely this would never be considered a viable option in running an electric utility monopoly, for example......
The ELR proposal uses the option of setting one price, the ELR wage, paying market prices for other purchases, and letting the total quantity of government spending be market determined.Warren Mosler, Full Employment and Price Stability
With a gold standard, gold can always be considered fully employed as gold can always be sold to the government at the fixed price. Likewise, with an ELR policy, labor can always find a buyer.
The "full employment and price stability paper byPaul Davidson[Warren Mosler] refers to the govt as the monopoly supplier of *its* money, or *its* currency.
Pavlina's paper refers to the govt as a "money monopolist" of the money it demands in payment of taxes.
Wray has argued in the past that "money" as the unit of account, or "money" as an institution, is a "public monopoly" - and distinguishes this from what he calls the particular "money-thing" such as currency or credit.
Easy to see why people get confused about all this.
Read it at Naked Capitalism
Paul Davidson is America’s foremost post-Keynesian economist. Davidson is currently the Holly Professor of Excellence, Emeritus at the University of Tennessee in Knoxville. In 1978 Davidson and Sydney Weintraub founded the Journal for Post-Keynesian Economics. Davidson is the author of numerous books, the most recent of which is an introduction to a post-Keynesian perspective on the recent crisis entitled ‘The Keynes Solution: The Path to Global Prosperity’.
INET published a paper, written by John Kay, that deals with the relationship between economics and the world we live in. The Map Is Not the Territory: An Essay on the State of Economics spells out methodological critiques of economic theory in general, and of DSGE models and rational expectations in particular.INET forwarded Kay's paper to a handful economists and invited them to respond. Here we offer a perspective by Paul Davidson, Editor of the Journal of Post Keynesian Economics, and Visiting Scholar at the Schwartz Center for Economic Policy Analysis.Davidson takes issue with the “classical” axioms, in particular with what he calls the "ergodic axiom": the notion that the future is predetermined by the past and present state of affairs, that past and knowable probability distributions govern future events. He praises rigor, consistency, and the deductive approach, but says the classical axioms are inapplicable to the world we live in: “The financial crisis of 2007-2009 should have been sufficient empirical evidence to indicate that the axiomatic basis of the mainstream theory needs to be replaced.”
In the past, conservatives accepted the need for a government-provided safety net on humanitarian grounds. Don’t take it from me, take it from Friedrich Hayek, the conservative intellectual hero, who specifically declared in “The Road to Serfdom” his support for “a comprehensive system of social insurance” to protect citizens against “the common hazards of life,” and singled out health in particular.Given the agreed-upon desirability of protecting citizens against the worst, the question then became one of costs and benefits — and health care was one of those areas where even conservatives used to be willing to accept government intervention in the name of compassion, given the clear evidence that covering the uninsured would not, in fact, cost very much money. As many observers have pointed out, the Obama health care plan was largely based on past Republican plans, and is virtually identical to Mitt Romney’s health reform in Massachusetts.Now, however, compassion is out of fashion — indeed, lack of compassion has become a matter of principle, at least among the G.O.P.’s base.
But I think another belief may be more telling; that cutting taxes always brings in more revenues to the government's coffers. There are two reasons this claim is more a manifestation of religious dogma than just the usual spin. First, it represents a perfect article of faith – universally held among the brethren but without any discernible basis in reality (see here for more explanation).In 2007, Time magazine reporter Justin Fox surveyed conservatives on whether they believed the myth. He found a perfect split: all conservative politicians, pundits and operatives bought into it while conservative economists or budget experts -- people who have to remain somewhat grounded in evidence -- didn't hesitate to call it out for the nonsense it is, and that included “virtually every economics Ph.D. who has worked in a prominent role in the Bush administration.”
Do you know the difference between love and prostitution? Or even better, the difference between love and prostitution as it relates to economics?In Economics For A Civilized Society, Paul and [son] Greg Davidson examine that question, among others you might not have expected in a book on how our economic system should work. But there is actually a direct correlation between love and prostitution and the sort of cost-benefit analysis mindset that fuels the way we’ve been convinced over recent decades to look at and think about the economy. The authors write that in a free market vision, “prostitution is a valuable service that some people are willing to pay for, while love is not for sale and therefore is worthless.” They observe that “this philosophy of market valuations provides the basis for all values in conservative economics.”Love won’t pay the bills. Yet would you want a society without it?