Showing posts with label Matt Rognlie. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Matt Rognlie. Show all posts

Friday, June 12, 2015

Brad DeLong — Discussion of Matthew Rognlie: “Deciphering the Fall and Rise in the Net Capital Share”


I would make two points here.

1. Marx pointed out the difference between the value of capital (means of production) and its capitalization in the market which should be logically figured in terms of net present value based on future expectations.
Net present value as a valuation methodology dates at least to the 19th century. Karl Marx refers to NPV as fictitious capital, and the calculation as "capitalising," writing:[9]
“ The forming of a fictitious capital is called capitalising. Every periodically repeated income is capitalised by calculating it on the average rate of interest, as an income which would be realised by a capital at this rate of interest. ”
In mainstream neo-classical economics, NPV was formalized and popularized by Irving Fisher, in his 1907 The Rate of Interest and became included in textbooks from the 1950s onwards, starting in finance texts.[10][11] — Wikipedia
Michael Hudson has investigated this in The Bubble and Beyond: Essays on Fictitious Capital, Debt Deflation and the Global Crisis

This is relevant to what BDL notes about Picketty's analysis.
In an anticipatory response to this part of the Rognlie critique, Thomas Piketty (2014) points to a remarkable constancy in the rate of profit. His data show it as stuck between 4% and 5% per year across centuries with very different capital-output ratios. Piketty, however, appears agnostic as to whether the cause is easy capital-labor substitution, rent-seeking via control of the government [by] the rich, or social structures that set 4-5%/year as the “fair” rate of profit.
The sentence is written implicitly assuming exclusive disjunction, but Marxians would view it rather as inclusive disjunction. Conventional economists assume a constant (static) context and therefore look for a single explanation of a phenomenon. Marx took a historical perspective and therefore dynamic context. Difference factors might come more into prominence depending on changing conditions.

Clearly, "social structures" aka institutions are always involved. In different periods the degree to which government is controlled by the ruling class for its own interests shifts, especially in democracies where institutional arrangements are subject to change. Politician follow the money as a general rule, but what they most fear is the electoral process, especially when voters are not doing well economically.

A great deal of analysis has already been done on this, including with respect to the current period.

2. Brad DeLong writes:
Matt Rognlie’s conclusion is bad news for us economists. It leaves us in the same position as those trying to explain an earlier large puzzle in the production function, the twentieth-century retardation of the British economy. It was Robert Solow who said: “Every discussion among economists of the relatively slow growth of the British economy compared with the Continental economies ends up in a blaze of amateur sociology…” But this time, I really would like for us to be able to do better than we did then.
Again, Marx provided the answer long ago as one of the harbingers of sociology as a social science, if he is not included as a founder. Marx was a philosopher and philosophers study the whole. They do not consider knowledge to be divided into separate disciplines that can be fruitfully pursued independently. Subsequent studies have shown this to be the case. Data is meaningless independent of context, and meaning is context-dependent. True knowledge is not a mirror image of reality in the mind assumes that mind and the process of knowing is mirror-like. Psychology, cognitive science, anthropology and sociology reveal that it is not.

Experience is mediated by the subject's point of view, which is determined in part by mindset, comprised of both individual and social influences. "Reality" is therefore in large part a social construct that is actually a particular worldview that is taken for reality. A person's worldview is in some ways unique to the individual, including subconscious influences, and on other ways socially and historically determined by culture and institutions that remain largely implicit for individuals.

Marx observed that human beings are historically and socially determined. This is confirmed by the teachers of perennial wisdom who assert that the core of the teaching remains ever the same. Differences are the result of prevailing conditions and the needs of the time. Every teacher of perennial wisdom teaches in terms of the contemporary language and cultural circumstances and so the teaching appears geographically and historically in different garb, just as human beings are the same in nature across time but they wear different types of clothing, speak different languages, and observe different customs.

Marx and Engels accounted for social and historical determination largely in terms of economic infrastructure shaping social and political superstructure. For example, a power elite is able to not only command the state but also to convince the population that this is in their own interest through control of the dominant ideology. This results in what Engels called "false consciousness." See also Daniel Little, False Consciousness.

One of the functions of science is enable an escape from the prison of the mind in order to discover actual structures of reality that exist independent of an observer's influence, especially causal structures that are both explanatory and predictive, hence testable. Needless to say, it is very difficult to do this adequately unless one is aware of human limitations and obstacles to overcoming them.

Most economists don't do well at this. One might say that this the outcome of their assuming a natural order typical of 18th and 19th century physics and also assuming that economics is a natural science rather than a social science. The consequence of these assumptions is economic assumptions for methodological convenience rather than rigorous causal inquiry. This recalls the story of the drunk looking for his house key under the lamp post rather than around where he lost it because there is more light there.

As a result the outcomes are less than satisfactory by way of achieving the aim of science, which is a general description of reality independent of the observer as shown by correspondence of models with the modeled after elimination of as much subjective bias as possible through rigorous application of scientific method informed by all available knowledge.
So the result of a lot of economics turns out to "amateur sociology."

WCEG — The Equitablog
Discussion of Matthew Rognlie: “Deciphering the Fall and Rise in the Net Capital Share”
Brad DeLong

Monday, May 4, 2015

Merijn Knibbe — Bob Solow, Matt Rognlie, Paul Romer, Mason Gaffney, the economic statisticians and rent incomes.


Important. How and why economic rent is back on the table after being excluded by neoclassical economics in reaction to Henry George.

It's short. Read the whole thing. This is potentially a game-changer, as Michael Hudson has been saying. 

Once rent comes into the picture, it becomes clear how the game is rigged by power, since power is required to extract rent. 

If one wants to continue claiming with neoclassical economists that economics is based on laws of nature, then it is necessary to include laws of power in the equations.

Real-World Economics Review Blog
Bob Solow, Matt Rognlie, Paul Romer, Mason Gaffney, the economic statisticians and rent incomes.
Merijn Knibbe

Saturday, March 28, 2015

Friday, March 20, 2015

David F. Ruccio — The principal problem of Political Economy


Piketty without mentioning Piketty. Actually, as Professor Ruccio points out, David Ricardo nailed it. It's capital versus labor share, stupid. But now we have to throw in the top 1% of labor in with capital (as I have been arguing).

Occasional Links & Commentary
The principal problem of Political Economy
David F. Ruccio | Professor of Economics University of Notre Dame Notre Dame

Here is the other side.

Marginal Revolution
Matt Rognlie on Piketty, net capital returns, and housing

Matt Rognlie on Piketty, net capital returns, and housing

- See more at: http://marginalrevolution.com/marginalrevolution/2015/03/matt-rognlie-on-piketty-net-capital-and-housing.html#sthash.SEPBo4JK.dpuf
Tyler Cowen | Holbert C. Harris Chair of Economics at George Mason University and serves as chairman and general director of the Mercatus Center

Matt Rognlie on Piketty, net capital returns, and housing

- See more at: http://marginalrevolution.com/marginalrevolution/2015/03/matt-rognlie-on-piketty-net-capital-and-housing.html#sthash.SEPBo4JK.dpuf

Friday, June 27, 2014

Unlearning Economics — CAPITAL IN PIKETTY'S 'CAPITAL'

I posted a link to this through another link at Unlearning Economics blog when it appeared. I am posting a direct link now as weekend reading for those who may have missed it. It is the best short critique of criticisms of Piketty's notion of capital that I have run across. This is good opportunity to catch up with some the most salient points in summary form, especially if you haven't been following the new "Capital controversy" closely.

Pieria
CAPITAL IN PIKETTY'S 'CAPITAL'
Unlearning Economics, June 18th 2014

Friday, June 13, 2014

Lars Syll — Piketty and the neoclassical heart of darkness


Why Matt Rognlie's neoclassical approach fails — neoclassical models cannot deal with the emergence that knowledge involves in a complex adaptive system like a modern society and its economy. Knowledge-induced scale effects vitiate neoclassical assumptions about diminishing returns to scale.

Piketty and the neoclassical heart of darkness
Lars P. Syll | Professor, Malmo University

Matt Rognlie — A note on Piketty and diminishing returns to capital

Abstract

Capital in the Twenty-First Century predicts a rise in capital’s share of income and the gap r g between capital returns and growth. In this note, I argue that neither outcome is likely given realistically diminishing returns to capital accumulation. Instead—all else equal—more capital will erode the economy wide return on capital. When converted from gross to net terms, standard empirical estimates of the elasticity of substitution between capital and labor are well below those assumed in Capital. Piketty (2014)’s inference of a high elasticity from time series is unsound, assuming a constant real price of capital despite the dominant role of rising prices in pushing up the capital/income ratio. Recent trends in both capital wealth and income are driven almost entirely by housing, with underlying mechanisms quite different from those emphasized in Capital.
A note on Piketty and diminishing returns to capital
Matt Rognlie
(h/t Brad DeLong)

Brad DeLong comments at WCEG — The Equitablog,  Daily Piketty: Matt Rognlie Has a First-Rate Critique
In the framework in which Matt using, the fall in the wealth-to-annual-net-income ratio from 700% in the late Belle Époque Era to 300% in the post-World War II Social Democratic Era ought to hav greatly increased the salience of capital and its ownership in income. As best as I can quickly calculate on the back of my envelope , if we calibrate the Belle Époque to Rognlie’s model, the model sees income from capital back then as roughly 18% of net total income–less than half of its actual value–and sees a sharp rise in the capital share of net income to 25% in the post-WWII Social Democratic Era. That did not happen. Something else is going on that Matt is not modeling…

Monday, May 9, 2011

Quiggen asks about MMT, Murphy disses it

Two blog posts brought MMT further to the fore in the blogosphere today.

John Quiggen posted Some propositions for chartalists at Crooked Timber.

Robert Murphy posted The Upside-Down World of MMT at Mises.

A good exchange was had by all at Matt Rognlie's over his post, The fallacies of MMT.

Some gems in the comments.



Friday, May 6, 2011

Matt Rognlie Asks A Question

Matt: By the way, I would like to extend an invitation for anyone here to explain to me why the ability to issue debt in the form of base money is so fiscally beneficial. I agree (as I have stated at length in the comment section of the original post) that it is theoretically possible for the government to issue all of its debt in the form of interest-paying bank reserves, but I don't see how this justifies claims that the government can act freely of any budget constraint. If it's paying interest on reserves, there's a still a cost to financing its debt! (And there will still be limits to how much investors are willing to hold, much as these limits exist for debt in the form of bonds.)

Even if the government pays a very low nominal rate of interest of reserves, this doesn't mean that the real costs are any lower. Economists almost universally agree that the real interest rate, in the long term, is pinned down by real factors like investors' preferences for intertemporal substitution and opportunities for capital investment. If you disagree with this, and you have some competing theory by which the Fed can change the long-term real interest rate through purely nominal manipulations, then I'm happy to hear your case. Otherwise, a decrease in the nominal interest rate (enacted via a decrease in interest paid on reserves) will simply manifest itself as a decline in the long-term rate of inflation, with no fiscal benefits whatsoever.

Thursday, May 5, 2011

Matt Rognlie on the Fallacies of MMT

Matt Rognlie posted on The Fallacies of MMT, where he concludes that there is a budget constraint.

"To sum up: MMT is wrong about money. Even supposing that it’s right, its impact is fiscally marginal. The government does have a budget constraint."

He is reasonably well informed about MMT and has presented an argument that has attracted Scott Fullwiler, Warren Mosler and JKH's comments, among others. Good discussion.

UPDATE: This is a good place to mention a previous post by Jack Sparrow at Seeking Alpha, The Trouble With Modern Monetary Theory. It is not as well argued as the post by Rognlie, who is familiar with the MMT literature while Sparrow is not. Scott Fullwiler, Warren Mosler, and Pavlina Tcherneva comment briefly. There are over 300 comments.