Secondly, I believe that the classical view of value as produced by labor is essentially correct, regardless of the controversy over the statement of it, which is largely semantical. These differences led to distinctions that distracted enough from the actual issue to allow the neoclassical identification of value and price and the marginalist theory of value creation implying just deserts based on relative marginal utility, productivity, and contribution.
The marginalist model assumes relatively free markets in everything, which is unrealistic. The standard retort is "government." Of course, it is true that "government" is a key factor owing to the asymmetrical distribution of power based on institutional arrangements that the ownership class, including the top managerial class, controls.
This veneer of legitimacy enables the extraction of surplus value from workers along the lines that Marx set forth. This was a characteristic of the transition from the agricultural age in which feudalism workers were either slaves or serfs and the beneficiaries were the landlords. After the transition to the industrial age characterized by the dominance of industrial capital, workers were supposedly "liberated" from unpaid work in the case of slavery or underpaid work in the case of serfs and tenant farmers. Marx attempted to show how surplus value was still expropriated through creation of surplus value in monetary production and its distribution to the owners of the means of production, the capitalist class.
Michael Roberts' post is a short view of UK political scientist and economist Grace Blakeley's new book, Stolen, which focuses on financialization. The so-called profit created through financialization is different from the first two factors, enclosure of the commons and extraction of surplus value.
This third factor is rent extraction after enclosure and the subsequent legal institutionalization of private property and also after the expropriation of surplus value in the monetary production process. The rent extracted by finance is in addition to the former two, redistributing income upward. Michael Hudson is the go-to economist on this subject, and he is a Marxism economist if not a "Marxist," where "Marxist" signifies an ideologue. Similarly with David Graeber, the author of "Debt: The First 5000 Years."
So it is necessary to distinguish all three factors in exploring inequality as apparently excess skewing of distribution toward the top, exceeding reasonable individual contribution given a social environment in which the relationships of elements of the system are as important in analysis as the elements and may be more significant at the macro scale.
This is the basis of economic rent — land and natural resource, rent from real goods production in a monetary production economy, and financial rent from finance and fintech — and it should be taught in Econ 101 rather than using wildly unrealistic gadgets as teaching tools to promote an ideology that underpins the status quo. The newly published MMT textbook is a good start in this direction, laying down the basics needed for correct analysis of how a modern monetary economy operates in tandem with finance, along with its opportunities, challenges, and limitations and constraints.
Michael Roberts Blog — blogging from a marxist economist
Theft or exploitation?- a review of Stolen by Grace Blakeley
Michael Roberts
1 comment:
Blakeley is a left-wing tub thumper and rabble rouser, and there's nothing wrong with that: everyone is entitled to broadcast their political views. What's more doubtful is her grasp of economics and finance. The title of her book is "Stolen: how to save the world from financialisation."
Frances Coppola recently pointed out that Blakeley's grasp of the nature of bank capital was flawed. Plus given that Blakeley has it in for bankers, you'd think she'd be aware of full reserve banking, a system under which the money creation process is nationalised. You'd think that would be tailor made for the political left. But I did a word search of the book, and full reserve is not mentioned, nor is the main UK organisation pushing full reserve (Positive Money) mentioned.
Of course full reserve may be a flawed idea (though I don't think it is), but that's not the point. The point is that it's a bit odd for a self styled left wing expert on banking to be unaware of a banking system that is tailor made for the political left.
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